La vaccination des agents de première ligne dans la lutte contre Ebola a été officiellement lancée samedi 19 septembre par le gouverneur de province de l’Ituri. Cette vaccination s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une étude scientifique visant à déterminer le niveau de protection que le vaccin pourrait éventuellement offrir contre la souche Bundibugyo. Pour l’instant, seules les zones de santé de Bunia et de Mongwalu sont ciblées dans le cadre de cette vaccination.
It is wonderful to be back at UACES. I first attended the conference last year, and the discussions there gave me many valuable insights for developing my research. Over the past year, I have revisited my arguments, refined my framework, and incorporated some of those insights into my analysis. Returning to UACES 2026, therefore, felt particularly meaningful: I was bringing a substantially developed version of the project back to the platform where some of its ideas were first discussed. This year, I presented my research on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the EU’s Global Gateway (GG), posing a seemingly simple yet intriguing question: why do two initiatives increasingly seen as geopolitical competitors sometimes sound remarkably similar?
Let me start with a simple observation. If you pick up an official document from China’s BRI and one from the EU’s Global Gateway, you may notice something surprising. Both initiatives speak about closing global infrastructure gaps, supporting sustainable development, and promoting green and digital connectivity. Yet they are often understood as competing for the same partner countries, markets, and geopolitical influence. So, are these expressions of convergence real—or only superficial?
This puzzle motivates my research: to what extent and in what ways do the BRI and Global Gateway exhibit narrative convergence, and how can we explain it? I argue that this convergence does not necessarily reflect genuine strategic alignment. Instead, it can be understood as a form of strategic branding: the deliberate use of governance narratives to establish legitimacy and manage influence in a competitive geopolitical environment.
My analysis identifies two complementary drivers. First, both initiatives operate under a common international normative environment. They face similar global challenges, expectations associated with their roles as major powers, and reputational criticisms—including concerns about dependency in partner countries. This encourages both China and the EU to draw on widely accepted international language, including the Sustainable Development Goals and the UN climate framework. The international normative environment does not determine what they do, but it shapes which narratives are considered credible and legitimate.
Second, convergence also emerges through selective mimicry and strategic interaction. The BRI and Global Gateway target many of the same regions, creating a competitive environment in which each seeks to establish an attractive and distinctive identity. China presents the BRI as pragmatic, inclusive, and supportive of the Global South, while the EU frames Global Gateway as a transparent, sustainable, and rules-based alternative. These self-images both enable and constrain their branding strategies.
This becomes particularly visible when each side selectively borrows elements associated with the other. Under criticism over debt sustainability and the environmental impact of the BRI, China increasingly incorporated language around “high-quality” development and introduced initiatives such as the Debt Sustainability Framework and the Clean Silk Road. Meanwhile, the EU adopted the BRI’s logic of a coherent, visible, state-backed connectivity offer, most clearly through the “Team Europe” approach and Global Gateway’s headline financial commitment. In other words, each actor can borrow from the other without abandoning its own identity: China can adopt elements associated with quality and sustainability, while the EU can adopt the visibility and coherence of a unified geopolitical offer.
Yet there is a gap between normative convergence and practical depth. Where shared institutional language generates the appearance of convergence, the underlying divergence in interests and governance philosophy tends to reassert itself. When cooperation requires moving from rhetoric to resource commitment, the underlying divergences in governance philosophy and strategic interest reassert themselves. Practice cooperation was, in other words, most effective precisely where it was least costly: in low-risk technical compatibility and procedural dialogue, not in the strategic integration that either side’s role conception might have implied. This also suggests that narrative convergence can coexist with strategic competition. For China and the EU, branding is not simply about communicating policies; it is part of how they compete for legitimacy, influence, and partners. At the same time, understanding the strategic logic behind each other’s narratives matters for avoiding mutual misunderstanding and identifying areas where competition might coexist with cooperation on shared challenges.
For partner countries, the stakes are even higher. Choosing between the BRI and Global Gateway is not simply a choice between two brands or sources of funding. It can also mean navigating different governance models, conditionalities, and long-term relationships with external powers. Looking beyond the language of convergence, therefore, helps us understand what lies beneath it—and why two geopolitical competitors may sometimes speak remarkably similar languages.
The post Converging to Compete: EU-China Strategic Branding in connectivity appeared first on Ideas on Europe.
Nach den Landtagswahlen in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern und Berlin kommentiert Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), die Wahlergebnisse wie folgt:
Dieser Wahltag war ein weiterer schlechter Tag für unsere Demokratie. Die AfD hat in beiden Bundesländern stark zugelegt. Da in beiden Ländern nun Dreierkoalitionen zur Regierungsbildung nötig sein werden, dürfte die Umsetzung dringend notwendiger Reformprogramme noch schwieriger werden.
Diese Wahlergebnisse sind ein weiteres Misstrauensvotum für die Bundesregierung. Für die Bundesregierung wird es nun noch schwieriger werden, den Mut und die politische Unterstützung für ein grundlegendes Reformprogramm zu mobilisieren. Wenn CDU, CSU und SPD weiterhin an ihren roten Linien festhalten, wird sich die politische Lähmung verfestigen, die wirtschaftliche Schwäche fortsetzen und die Wahrscheinlichkeit eines Wahlsiegs der AfD 2029 weiter steigen.
Das Versprechen eines Tankrabatts zwei Tage vor der Wahl hat wohl weder der CDU noch der SPD entscheidend geholfen. Die falsche Lehre für die Bundesregierung wäre nun der Versuch, die Bürgerinnen und Bürger mit Wahlgeschenken wie dem Tankrabatt ruhigzustellen. Die Energiekrise wird sich mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit verschärfen. Die Bundesregierung braucht jetzt einen überzeugenden Plan, wie sie Menschen und Unternehmen sozial und wirtschaftlich ausgewogen entlastet. Dafür wird sie das Steuersystem reformieren und Subventionen abbauen müssen. Genauso wichtig sind Strukturreformen, die Deutschland wirtschaftlich voranbringen und die Sorgen der Menschen nachhaltig beantworten.
Deutschland hat noch immer alle Karten in der Hand, um seine eigene Zukunft zu bestimmen. Dafür braucht es jetzt jedoch einen Pakt zwischen Politik und Wirtschaft: mutige Reformen umzusetzen und auch seitens der Wirtschaft mehr Verantwortung zu übernehmen. Stetes Klagen über die Politik wird nicht ausreichen, um Deutschland zukunftsfähig zu machen.
DIGITAL 08H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?
Le tirage DIGITAL 08H N°196 a livré son verdict !
Lundi 21 Septembre 2026
Avez-vous joué ?
Avez-vous misé sur vos numéros porte-bonheur ?
RÉSULTAT : 33 • 22 • 54 • 50 • 47
Félicitations aux heureux gagnants !
Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire.
Rendez-vous à 11H pour le prochain tirage.
Jouez dans les points de vente ou : Tapez *590# ou rendez-vous sur lnbloto.bj
Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.
RECEVEZ LA CROIX DU LUNDI 21 SEPTEMBRE 2026
A Bassila, dans le département de la Donga, un apprenti boucher a été condamné à une peine de 8 ans de prison pour viol sur une fille mineure.
Un apprenti boucher habitant le quartier Zongo Haoussa à Bassila, est en prison pour viol sur mineure. Les faits selon le bulletin d'information de l'Institut national de la femme (INF), remontent au mardi 20 août 2019.
Ce jour-là, aux environs de 19h, une voisine du quartier aperçoit une fillette devant la chambre du prévenu. Surprise, elle interpelle la fillette qui lui explique que sa sœur aînée, âgée de 8 ans, y serait enfermée avec l'apprenti boucher âgé de 35 ans. Ainsi, la dame ouvrit la porte et vit la fillette « toute nue, allongée sur un pagne blanc étalé au sol ». A ses côtés, le mis en cause, accroupi, et « tout aussi nu ».
Interpellé et placé en détention, l'apprenti boucher a été situé sur son sort le 6 février 2024. La Chambre des infractions commises à raison du sexe de la Cour de répression des infractions économiques et du terrorisme (CRIET), l'a condamné à une peine de 8 ans de prison et 500 000 francs de dommages et intérêts pour la victime.
Ne voulant pas s'en tenir à cette décision de la justice, le prévenu a interjeté appel. Le 2 avril 2026, la Chambre d'appel de la CRIET statuant en matière criminelle des infractions commises à raison du sexe confirme la première décision en toutes ses dispositions.
Le prévenu habite dans un studio communément appelé « Entrée coucher », situé en bordure d'une ruelle très empruntée par la plupart des enfants du quartier. Il profite de cet emplacement et de l'absence ou de l'inattention des parents pour attirer « régulièrement les fillettes avec des biscuits et quelques pièces de monnaie afin d'abuser sexuellement d'elles ».
F. A. A.
DIGITAL 00H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?
Le tirage DIGITAL 00H N°195 a livré son verdict !
Lundi 21 Septembre 2026
Avez-vous joué ?
Avez-vous misé sur vos numéros porte-bonheur ?
RÉSULTAT : 63 • 83 • 09 • 18 • 08
Félicitations aux heureux gagnants !
Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire.
Rendez-vous à 08H pour le prochain tirage.
Jouez dans les points de vente ou : Tapez *590# ou rendez-vous sur lnbloto.bj
Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.
In a world undergoing tumultuous transition, sustainable futures are at stake. Disruptive policy-making is on the rise, taking the form of new waves of authoritarian nationalism and the systematic erosion of rules-based politics. Yet, reform initiatives are simultaneously taking shape. Rather than proclaiming the collapse of the multilateral order or focusing on disruptive trends, this volume highlights the institutions, actors and coalitions that are advancing and shaping reform to sustain and rebuild cooperation in a multipolar world. It builds on the premise that,
in this era of concurrent disruption and reform, Germany and Europe need to invest in politics of cooperation and perseverance. Drawing on research and policy engagement by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) and its partner networks, the publication identifies practical and political pathways for reform. These include opportunities for middle-power coalitions; new forms of plurilateral cooperation and institutional adaptation; reconfigured partnership and financing architectures; and new cultures of cooperation and political leadership. These pathways are explored across four thematic sections: geopolitics, partnerships and a new global order; multilateralism in a multipolar world; sustainable transformation architectures; and (social) innovation and transformative capabilities. The volume does not seek to resolve the tension between disruption and reform, but to equip its readers to understand where reform is already taking shape and the actors who may need to be persuaded or supported to take the lead. It thereby aims to offer the expertise and inspiration needed to turn disruptive change into reform dynamics that enable the pursuit of sustainable futures.
Table of Contents:
1) Geopolitics, Partnerships, and a New Global Order
Reforming the WTO in an Age of Power-Based Trade (Brandi, Clara)
2) Multilateralism in a Multipolar World
A bold post-UN80 reform agenda for the next UN Secretary-General (Novoselova Anna / Ronny Patz)
The Geopolitics of a Global Sustainability Framework Beyond 2030 (Leininger, Julia)
3) Sustainable Transformation Architectures
Global Health Beyond 2030: Protecting Ambition in a Fragmented World (von Haaren, Paula)
4) (Social) Innovation and Transformative Capabilities
AI’s Potential to Facilitate More Agile Development Cooperation (Sinanoglu, Semuhi / Michael Roll)
In a world undergoing tumultuous transition, sustainable futures are at stake. Disruptive policy-making is on the rise, taking the form of new waves of authoritarian nationalism and the systematic erosion of rules-based politics. Yet, reform initiatives are simultaneously taking shape. Rather than proclaiming the collapse of the multilateral order or focusing on disruptive trends, this volume highlights the institutions, actors and coalitions that are advancing and shaping reform to sustain and rebuild cooperation in a multipolar world. It builds on the premise that,
in this era of concurrent disruption and reform, Germany and Europe need to invest in politics of cooperation and perseverance. Drawing on research and policy engagement by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) and its partner networks, the publication identifies practical and political pathways for reform. These include opportunities for middle-power coalitions; new forms of plurilateral cooperation and institutional adaptation; reconfigured partnership and financing architectures; and new cultures of cooperation and political leadership. These pathways are explored across four thematic sections: geopolitics, partnerships and a new global order; multilateralism in a multipolar world; sustainable transformation architectures; and (social) innovation and transformative capabilities. The volume does not seek to resolve the tension between disruption and reform, but to equip its readers to understand where reform is already taking shape and the actors who may need to be persuaded or supported to take the lead. It thereby aims to offer the expertise and inspiration needed to turn disruptive change into reform dynamics that enable the pursuit of sustainable futures.
Table of Contents:
1) Geopolitics, Partnerships, and a New Global Order
Reforming the WTO in an Age of Power-Based Trade (Brandi, Clara)
2) Multilateralism in a Multipolar World
A bold post-UN80 reform agenda for the next UN Secretary-General (Novoselova Anna / Ronny Patz)
The Geopolitics of a Global Sustainability Framework Beyond 2030 (Leininger, Julia)
3) Sustainable Transformation Architectures
Global Health Beyond 2030: Protecting Ambition in a Fragmented World (von Haaren, Paula)
4) (Social) Innovation and Transformative Capabilities
AI’s Potential to Facilitate More Agile Development Cooperation (Sinanoglu, Semuhi / Michael Roll)
In a world undergoing tumultuous transition, sustainable futures are at stake. Disruptive policy-making is on the rise, taking the form of new waves of authoritarian nationalism and the systematic erosion of rules-based politics. Yet, reform initiatives are simultaneously taking shape. Rather than proclaiming the collapse of the multilateral order or focusing on disruptive trends, this volume highlights the institutions, actors and coalitions that are advancing and shaping reform to sustain and rebuild cooperation in a multipolar world. It builds on the premise that,
in this era of concurrent disruption and reform, Germany and Europe need to invest in politics of cooperation and perseverance. Drawing on research and policy engagement by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) and its partner networks, the publication identifies practical and political pathways for reform. These include opportunities for middle-power coalitions; new forms of plurilateral cooperation and institutional adaptation; reconfigured partnership and financing architectures; and new cultures of cooperation and political leadership. These pathways are explored across four thematic sections: geopolitics, partnerships and a new global order; multilateralism in a multipolar world; sustainable transformation architectures; and (social) innovation and transformative capabilities. The volume does not seek to resolve the tension between disruption and reform, but to equip its readers to understand where reform is already taking shape and the actors who may need to be persuaded or supported to take the lead. It thereby aims to offer the expertise and inspiration needed to turn disruptive change into reform dynamics that enable the pursuit of sustainable futures.
Table of Contents:
1) Geopolitics, Partnerships, and a New Global Order
Reforming the WTO in an Age of Power-Based Trade (Brandi, Clara)
2) Multilateralism in a Multipolar World
A bold post-UN80 reform agenda for the next UN Secretary-General (Novoselova Anna / Ronny Patz)
The Geopolitics of a Global Sustainability Framework Beyond 2030 (Leininger, Julia)
3) Sustainable Transformation Architectures
Global Health Beyond 2030: Protecting Ambition in a Fragmented World (von Haaren, Paula)
4) (Social) Innovation and Transformative Capabilities
AI’s Potential to Facilitate More Agile Development Cooperation (Sinanoglu, Semuhi / Michael Roll)
How do local elections affect societal peace after civil war? Existing research focuses on national elections or secession risks. This article examines municipal elections in post-war Mozambique and their impact on social cohesion (positive horizontal and vertical societal relations). Based on 33 semi-structured interviews conducted in Maputo and Nampula in 2019, the analysis finds limited but positive effects, mainly through improved state-society relations, more inclusive representation, and a greater sense of belonging. However, these gains are constrained by an autocratic context and centralised party structures. Against theoretical expectations, local elections neither enhanced inter-party cooperation nor intensified social divisions.
How do local elections affect societal peace after civil war? Existing research focuses on national elections or secession risks. This article examines municipal elections in post-war Mozambique and their impact on social cohesion (positive horizontal and vertical societal relations). Based on 33 semi-structured interviews conducted in Maputo and Nampula in 2019, the analysis finds limited but positive effects, mainly through improved state-society relations, more inclusive representation, and a greater sense of belonging. However, these gains are constrained by an autocratic context and centralised party structures. Against theoretical expectations, local elections neither enhanced inter-party cooperation nor intensified social divisions.
How do local elections affect societal peace after civil war? Existing research focuses on national elections or secession risks. This article examines municipal elections in post-war Mozambique and their impact on social cohesion (positive horizontal and vertical societal relations). Based on 33 semi-structured interviews conducted in Maputo and Nampula in 2019, the analysis finds limited but positive effects, mainly through improved state-society relations, more inclusive representation, and a greater sense of belonging. However, these gains are constrained by an autocratic context and centralised party structures. Against theoretical expectations, local elections neither enhanced inter-party cooperation nor intensified social divisions.
21. September 2026 – Die Bundesregierung will die hohen Kraftstoffpreise mit einem Tankrabatt und einem Preisdeckel abfedern. Der Tankrabatt kostet Bund und Länder rund 2,5 Milliarden Euro. Eine Auswertung der 1,6 Milliarden teuren Maßnahme vom Frühsommer zeigt, dass davon ein dreistelliger Millionenbetrag nicht bei den Verbraucher*innen ankam, sondern bei den Mineralölunternehmen blieb. Am stärksten profitiert zudem, wer am meisten verbraucht. Ein Preisdeckel belastet den Staatshaushalt zwar nicht, wird in der Praxis aber oft zum Zielpreis, an dem sich auch die günstigen Tankstellen nach oben orientieren. Und er bedeutet erheblichen bürokratischen Aufwand: Er muss laufend festgelegt, angepasst und kontrolliert werden. Wenn man entlasten will, wären direkte Zahlungen an einkommensschwache Haushalte und kleine Betriebe zielführender als Eingriffe in den Preis. Der Auszahlungsweg dafür steht seit Ende 2024 bereit und wurde bislang nicht genutzt.