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Ministers are holding a series of meetings in parliamentary committees to present the priorities of the Cyprus Presidency of the Council.
Committee on Constitutional Affairs
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Committee on Culture and Education
Committee on Development
Committee on Employment and Social Affairs
Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality
Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection
Committee on International Trade
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy
Committee on Legal Affairs
Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee on Fisheries
Committee on Security and Defence
Committee on Transport and Tourism

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

The European Commission drew up seven impact assessments (IAs) in support of 18 programme proposals for the 2028-2034 multiannual financial framework (MFF) and the proposed regulation on a horizontal performance framework. The broad scope of these IAs does not allow individual programme proposals to be assessed in any detail – as is particularly salient in the case of the IA on the national and regional partnership plans, covering nine legislative proposals. All IAs acknowledge a deviation from the scope and depth of a standard IA as defined by the Better Regulation Guidelines (BRG). This is justified with Tool #9 of the BR Toolbox, which indicates the specificity of the MFF, but does not define how related IAs should be carried out. As a result, the application of the better regulation principles varies widely across the MFF IAs. They are similar insofar as the Commission chose for all of them a mostly horizontal rather than policy-specific approach and did not include any budgetary considerations and scenarios. These choices affect the quality of key sections of the IAs considerably, albeit to varying extents. The problem definition often lacks specificity and substantiation. Similarly, the IAs' objectives remain largely unspecific, which, in turn, affects the IAs' monitoring and evaluation provisions and risks hampering the future measuring of the objectives' achievement. The description of policy options is in most cases short and vague, which weakens the impact analysis. The depth to which economic, social and environmental impacts are assessed varies across the sampled IAs. The analysis remains predominantly qualitative, with quantification largely lacking. All seven MFF initiatives are deemed relevant for small and medium-sized enterprises (SME) and are thus listed in the 'SME filter'. The IAs state that they place great emphasis on simplification and burden reduction. None of them is accompanied by a subsidiarity grid, and they discuss subsidiarity, European added value and proportionality rather briefly. While the IAs differ considerably in terms of quality and transparency when it comes to their evidence base and methodology, all of them acknowledge certain limitations and a lack of data (notably quantitative data). Consultation activities were largely limited to open public consultations. The Regulatory Scrutiny Board (RSB) found significant shortcomings in all seven draft IAs, prompting it, exceptionally, to issue opinions without qualification. The persisting flaws in the final IAs suggest that the RSB recommendations have at best been partially addressed. Altogether, the limited quality of the MFF IAs appears to reflect a missed opportunity to provide policymakers with high-quality and transparent evidence for one of the most important policy packages to be negotiated in the coming months and years.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

PDF/EPUB Cite Share options Information, rights and permissions Metrics and citations Figures and tables Abstract In 2004 the European Union (EU)’s membership grew from 15 to 25 member states. This article analyses how the EU used this ‘big bang enlargement’ to promote horizontal and vertical expansion to its role as a global development actor. It describes how the Union’s larger membership realised considerable horizontal expansion, primarily by increasing the development cooperation budget managed by the EU institutions. The global financial crisis, austerity measures in its member states as well as legal and institutional changes, however, hampered vertical expansion, with many member states failing to sufficiently increase their own national budgets and efforts to promote coordination and harmonisation delivering limited results. The understanding of the task division between the EU and its member states has evolved with the EU having gained a stronger role as a global development actor in its own right. This article contextualises and describes these expansion patterns by analysing key policy trends in the period 2000–2025 in a historical and international perspective and contributes new evidence to the literature on international organisation expansion.

PDF/EPUB Cite Share options Information, rights and permissions Metrics and citations Figures and tables Abstract In 2004 the European Union (EU)’s membership grew from 15 to 25 member states. This article analyses how the EU used this ‘big bang enlargement’ to promote horizontal and vertical expansion to its role as a global development actor. It describes how the Union’s larger membership realised considerable horizontal expansion, primarily by increasing the development cooperation budget managed by the EU institutions. The global financial crisis, austerity measures in its member states as well as legal and institutional changes, however, hampered vertical expansion, with many member states failing to sufficiently increase their own national budgets and efforts to promote coordination and harmonisation delivering limited results. The understanding of the task division between the EU and its member states has evolved with the EU having gained a stronger role as a global development actor in its own right. This article contextualises and describes these expansion patterns by analysing key policy trends in the period 2000–2025 in a historical and international perspective and contributes new evidence to the literature on international organisation expansion.

La guerre est revenue sur le continent européen. Mais elle ne prend plus seulement la forme de combats conventionnels. Drones, cyberattaques, sabotages d’infrastructures critiques, campagnes de désinformation et pressions industrielles s’imbriquent désormais dans un continuum de menaces hybrides qui brouille durablement la frontière entre paix et conflit. Depuis 2022, l’Union européenne évolue dans un environnement […]

Carbon pricing is widely recognized as a key tool for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. However, if implemented without compensatory measures, it can increase poverty and inequality. The aim of this paper is to examine the role of carbon pricing in generating fiscal space for expanding social protection systems in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Using tax-benefit microsimulation models for six countries (Ecuador, Indonesia, South Af rica, Tanzania, Viet Nam, and Zambia), we assess both the direct distributional impacts of carbon pricing and the potential poverty-reducing effects of recycling revenues into social protection. Our f indings show that even modest carbon pricing can mobilize substantial resources, particularly in higher-emission countries, and that channelling these revenues into targeted or categorical transfers significantly cushions households against welfare losses. The results highlight the dual role of carbon pricing: as a climate mitigation instrument and as a source of fiscal capacity for inclusive development. By ref raming climate policy as a means to expand social protection, this study underscores the opportunities and constraints for designing equitable climate–development strategies in the Global South.

Carbon pricing is widely recognized as a key tool for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. However, if implemented without compensatory measures, it can increase poverty and inequality. The aim of this paper is to examine the role of carbon pricing in generating fiscal space for expanding social protection systems in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Using tax-benefit microsimulation models for six countries (Ecuador, Indonesia, South Af rica, Tanzania, Viet Nam, and Zambia), we assess both the direct distributional impacts of carbon pricing and the potential poverty-reducing effects of recycling revenues into social protection. Our f indings show that even modest carbon pricing can mobilize substantial resources, particularly in higher-emission countries, and that channelling these revenues into targeted or categorical transfers significantly cushions households against welfare losses. The results highlight the dual role of carbon pricing: as a climate mitigation instrument and as a source of fiscal capacity for inclusive development. By ref raming climate policy as a means to expand social protection, this study underscores the opportunities and constraints for designing equitable climate–development strategies in the Global South.

La finale de la CAN 2025 a été marquée par un événement inédit : le retrait momentané des joueurs sénégalais du terrain. Après sa réunion, le Jury disciplinaire de la Confédération Africaine de Football (CAF) a infligé des sanctions pécuniaires aux deux fédérations du Sénégal et du Maroc, ainsi que des sanctions individuelles à certains joueurs.

Annoncé à Bruxelles, absent à Tirana : le train promis n'est jamais arrivé. Avec le gel des fonds européens après le scandale AKSHI, l'Albanie voit ses ambitions européennes freinées par un décalage persistant entre discours politiques et réalité institutionnelle.

- Articles / PS Albanie, Courrier des Balkans, Albanie, Questions européennes, Trains Balkans

AMENDMENTS 28 - 207 - Draft opinion on the proposal for a Council regulation laying down the Multiannual Financial Framework for the years 2028 to 2034
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Dan Barna

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 120'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 60'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 150'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

DRAFT REPORT on a European Parliament recommendation to the Council, the Commission and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the changing geopolitical situation in East Asia and the need for closer cooperation with like-minded partners in the region
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Adam Bielan

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

L'Amérique comme son nom l'indique, (Etats-Unis) est constitué d'Etats unifiés de gré ou de force à coup d'annexion et d'achat de territoires. Voici la longue liste des territoires achetés ou annexés par les Américains tout au long de leur histoire

INTERIM REPORT on the proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Union, of the Agreement establishing an association between the European Union and the Principality of Andorra and the Republic of San Marino respectively
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Željana Zovko

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 120'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Central Asia has emerged as a key region where the convergence of geopolitics and development cooperation is most visible. Major powers are redefining their approaches: Japan combines official development assistance (ODA) with commercial partnerships to advance connectivity and reform; the EU is emphasising a sustainable infrastructure and governance-oriented approach; the US is expected to catalyse private investment rather than direct aid; China deepens its regional presence through the Belt and Road Initiative; while Russia leverages historical and security ties to maintain influence. Meanwhile, middle powers – countries that do not wield vast influence like major powers but possess substantial capacity to shape international events – are exploring new opportunities for engagement. Türkiye positions itself as a bridge between advanced economies and the Global South, emphasising connectivity and energy cooperation through the Middle Corridor and the Organization of Turkic States.
South Korea’s 2025 ODA Strategy for Central Asia identifies the region as a strategic partner for shared growth, integrating pragmatic diplomacy with value-based cooperation. By leveraging their soft power and policy experience, these middle powers offer a distinctive model for development partnership. Central Asian governments are responding to a changing international environment by diversifying partnerships through regional integration and more strategic engagement with development  partners.

Hyeyoung Woo is a specialist at the Center for International Development (CID), Korea Development Institute (KDI). From July to October 2025, she served as a guest researcher at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). She holds a Ph.D. in Development Policy from the KDI School of Public Policy and Management, where her dissertation examined transition countries, including those in Central Asia. Over the past years, she has contributed to policy consultations through Korea’s Knowledge Sharing Program (KSP) with Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic, particularly in fintech regulatory sandbox development and official development assistance (ODA) evaluation.

Central Asia has emerged as a key region where the convergence of geopolitics and development cooperation is most visible. Major powers are redefining their approaches: Japan combines official development assistance (ODA) with commercial partnerships to advance connectivity and reform; the EU is emphasising a sustainable infrastructure and governance-oriented approach; the US is expected to catalyse private investment rather than direct aid; China deepens its regional presence through the Belt and Road Initiative; while Russia leverages historical and security ties to maintain influence. Meanwhile, middle powers – countries that do not wield vast influence like major powers but possess substantial capacity to shape international events – are exploring new opportunities for engagement. Türkiye positions itself as a bridge between advanced economies and the Global South, emphasising connectivity and energy cooperation through the Middle Corridor and the Organization of Turkic States.
South Korea’s 2025 ODA Strategy for Central Asia identifies the region as a strategic partner for shared growth, integrating pragmatic diplomacy with value-based cooperation. By leveraging their soft power and policy experience, these middle powers offer a distinctive model for development partnership. Central Asian governments are responding to a changing international environment by diversifying partnerships through regional integration and more strategic engagement with development  partners.

Hyeyoung Woo is a specialist at the Center for International Development (CID), Korea Development Institute (KDI). From July to October 2025, she served as a guest researcher at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). She holds a Ph.D. in Development Policy from the KDI School of Public Policy and Management, where her dissertation examined transition countries, including those in Central Asia. Over the past years, she has contributed to policy consultations through Korea’s Knowledge Sharing Program (KSP) with Uzbekistan and the Kyrgyz Republic, particularly in fintech regulatory sandbox development and official development assistance (ODA) evaluation.