Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This paper examines whether heterogeneities in financial development among Vietnamese provinces matter for firm growth in Vietnam. Using a nationally representative firm survey that covers more than 41,000 firms for the period 2009 − 2013, we estimate the impact of provincial financial development on the growth rates of firms by accounting for sectoral differences in growth opportunities. We find that province-level financial development promotes the growth rates of sales, investment and sales per worker of small firms, and reduces the growth rate of the wage-to-sales ratio. Our results imply that firms grow faster in provinces with a higher level of financial development. Moreover, the effect of financial development on growth rates is larger when firms operate in sectors with better growth opportunities.

This paper examines whether heterogeneities in financial development among Vietnamese provinces matter for firm growth in Vietnam. Using a nationally representative firm survey that covers more than 41,000 firms for the period 2009 − 2013, we estimate the impact of provincial financial development on the growth rates of firms by accounting for sectoral differences in growth opportunities. We find that province-level financial development promotes the growth rates of sales, investment and sales per worker of small firms, and reduces the growth rate of the wage-to-sales ratio. Our results imply that firms grow faster in provinces with a higher level of financial development. Moreover, the effect of financial development on growth rates is larger when firms operate in sectors with better growth opportunities.

This paper examines whether heterogeneities in financial development among Vietnamese provinces matter for firm growth in Vietnam. Using a nationally representative firm survey that covers more than 41,000 firms for the period 2009 − 2013, we estimate the impact of provincial financial development on the growth rates of firms by accounting for sectoral differences in growth opportunities. We find that province-level financial development promotes the growth rates of sales, investment and sales per worker of small firms, and reduces the growth rate of the wage-to-sales ratio. Our results imply that firms grow faster in provinces with a higher level of financial development. Moreover, the effect of financial development on growth rates is larger when firms operate in sectors with better growth opportunities.

Russia’s war against Ukraine has led the EU-27 to grant Kyiv EU-candidate status quickly – even hastily, in the view of critics. For now, however, the preparation of accession negotiations can only be a secondary concern. The war, with its uncertain outcome, takes centre stage. For the EU this means supporting Ukraine militarily as well as financially and helping to organise international aid for reconstruction. Given this context, we should expect the EU not simply to adhere to the usual enlargement script in shaping its relations with Ukraine. Instead, it should coordinate three frame­works for action: the future accession negotiations, the current process of association, and potential new formats, such as a European Political Community or a Euro­pean Political and Economic Area.

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IPI, in partnership with the Republic of Korea, organized a public policy forum on August 11th, bringing together youth-led organizations working on digital education in areas affected by economic and political crises in the post-pandemic era. The aim of this event was to provide an opportunity for young people to share innovative solutions for supporting the education of children and youth around the world.

The COVID-19 pandemic significantly impacted the education sector and resulted in the closing of schools around the world. Access to education services was disrupted for more than 1.6 billion children and youth globally. While many countries were able to switch to online education, many developing countries, especially those experiencing multiple crises, could not provide online education due to a lack of affordable technology and resources, economic contractions, political uncertainty, and other reasons. As the COVID-19 pandemic and other crises continue to strain national budgets, there is an urgent need to ensure education remains a priority for governments.

In his report on “Our Common Agenda,” the UN Secretary-General stressed the need for young people to be better prepared for such challenges and the need to strengthen and update the education system globally. This September, the Secretary-General is organizing a summit on “Transforming Education” that seeks to mobilize commitment and action to accelerate progress on improving education for all to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

This policy forum comes at a strategic point in time, one month after SDG 4 on quality education was reviewed at this year’s High-Level Political Forum, and on the eve of International Youth Day.

Opening Remarks:
H.E. Ambassador Jongin Bae, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea to the UN
H.E. Dr. Michal Mlynár, Permanent Representative of Slovakia to the UN and UNICEF Executive Board President, a.i.

Speakers:
Victoria Ibiwoye, Youth Engagement Lead, Education 2030, UNESCO
Pashtana Durrani, Executive Director, LEARN Afghanistan (@LearnAfg)
Nhial Deng, Refugee and Peace Activist, South Sudan
Abheejit Khandagale, Founder, Ekatra; Top Innovator, UpLink—World Economic Forum

Moderator:
Adam Lupel, IPI Vice President and COO

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Perspectives from the Global South

Im Koalitionsvertrag 2021–2025 sprechen sich die Ampel-Parteien für eine »Feminist Foreign Policy« aus. Das Auswärtige Amt (AA) hat sich einer »feministischen Außen­politik« (FAP) verschrieben und das Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammen­arbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ) will eine »feministische Entwicklungspolitik« verfolgen. Auch im Erstellungsprozess der »Nationalen Sicherheitsstrategie« soll über FAP dis­kutiert werden. Damit schließt sich Deutschland einem Trend an: Immer mehr Regie­rungen schreiben sich eine FAP auf die Fahnen oder wollen Elemente davon umsetzen. So deutlich diese Entwicklung sich auch zeigt, bleibt dennoch unklar bzw. umstritten, was der feministische außenpolitische Ansatz konzeptionell wie materiell genau be­deu­tet – welche Voraussetzungen er benötigt, in welchen Zusammenhängen er sich bewegt und welche Implikationen er mit sich bringt. Diese Offenheit gibt Anlass zur Debatte, an der sich Stimmen aus Politik, Zivilgesellschaft und Wissen­schaft be­tei­li­gen. Zwar finden feministische Ansprüche nur begrenzt in den nationalen Imple­men­tierungsvarianten der FAP ihren Niederschlag. Aber schon der offizielle Bezug auf Feminismus fordert tradierte Denk- und Politikmuster heraus, drängt zur Über­prü­fung politischer Priorisierung und Kohärenz und kann Politik­innovation fördern.

La visite de Nancy Pelosi, speaker la chambre des Représentants des États-Unis, à Taïwan a bénéficié d’une couverture médiatique de grande ampleur. S’il constitue un coup médiatique pour Madame Pelosi, ce n’est certainement pas un succès géopolitique pour Washington, puisque cette visite provoque une crispation de la Chine à l’heure où la tension internationale est déjà à son comble. Analyse.

Warum der Besuch der Sprecherin des US-Repräsentantenhauses richtig ist

If asked in which international arena the great power conflict over global order has become most salient in recent years, most would probably point to the United Nations Human Rights Council or the Security Council. In contrast, the U.N.’s development cooperation has so far been spared diplomatic conflicts of similar intensity. But as China has become more articulate about “building international relations of a new type” which will be less dominated by Western powers and norms and give greater voice to developing states, tensions are rising in this field too. It was a major success for China when in 2019 a Chinese candidate, Qu Dongyu, was elected director-general of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Three years into Qu’s tenure, a worrisome, multi-pronged diplomatic brawl has erupted between FAO leadership and Western members, highlighting the challenging path for China toward a new type of international relations.

If asked in which international arena the great power conflict over global order has become most salient in recent years, most would probably point to the United Nations Human Rights Council or the Security Council. In contrast, the U.N.’s development cooperation has so far been spared diplomatic conflicts of similar intensity. But as China has become more articulate about “building international relations of a new type” which will be less dominated by Western powers and norms and give greater voice to developing states, tensions are rising in this field too. It was a major success for China when in 2019 a Chinese candidate, Qu Dongyu, was elected director-general of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Three years into Qu’s tenure, a worrisome, multi-pronged diplomatic brawl has erupted between FAO leadership and Western members, highlighting the challenging path for China toward a new type of international relations.

If asked in which international arena the great power conflict over global order has become most salient in recent years, most would probably point to the United Nations Human Rights Council or the Security Council. In contrast, the U.N.’s development cooperation has so far been spared diplomatic conflicts of similar intensity. But as China has become more articulate about “building international relations of a new type” which will be less dominated by Western powers and norms and give greater voice to developing states, tensions are rising in this field too. It was a major success for China when in 2019 a Chinese candidate, Qu Dongyu, was elected director-general of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Three years into Qu’s tenure, a worrisome, multi-pronged diplomatic brawl has erupted between FAO leadership and Western members, highlighting the challenging path for China toward a new type of international relations.