And now, Ladies and Gentlemen, the English version of my column!
My heartfelt thanks to you, my English and Welsh friends. You have managed to resist all argumentations - from the rational to the apocalyptic - of those who backed ‘REMAIN’. You have chosen to disregard the risks of your glorious country exploding - the Scots and the Northern Irish, two of the remaining four countries of your Empire, having voted massively – and shamefully– in favour of the Union. You have risked dividing your society in the long term between, on the one hand, the young, educated urban youth who are massively in favour of ‘REMAIN’, and on the other hand the older, less-qualified country dwellers supporting ‘LEAVE’, resulting in what amounts to a long-lasting social fracture. An incredibly brave choice because it has politically devastated and will economically weaken your country, for which Europe will be eternally grateful to you.
This demonstrates your sense of sacrifice which has already benefited the continent on several occasions, for instance when you saved it from the grasp of Napoleon, and subsequently twice from German hegemony. You have finally come to the conclusion that the place of your island is not within the Union. Even if you were already well and truly ‘outside’ (budget, euro, Schengen, security and immigration policies, banking union, etc.), the mere fact that you were there was always enough to block all attempts at further integration - not only in fear of displeasing you - but because each time we had to create extra unnecessarily complex procedures to enable you to keep your ‘special status’. The result of this is that the reforms have always ended up, thanks to you, in making this very Union more and more unreadable in the eyes of its citizens and thereby distancing them from it. Once again, despite all our efforts you continued to consider this European Union ultra dogmatic and over-controlled : we were not fortunate enough to have experienced Thatcherism and we remained for the most part attached to the welfare state, state interventionism, regulated markets – all of which horrified you. We also had to accept a watering down of the vision of the founding nations and adoption of short-term policies which, in the end, please no one : Europe has accomplished the amazing feat of inventing regulatory ultraliberalism.
You witnessed the successive crises which have shaken the Union since 2008 and you understood that it was doomed to perish beneath its contradictions, its paralyses, its compromises and the mediocrity of its national leaders who encourage ever greater scepticism of a European project held responsible for all national issues. You have therefore decided to give us a monumental kick up the backside: if the shock of the departure of one of the four largest countries in the Union does not wake us up, if we do not mobilise ourselves in order to revitalise the construction of the European Union, which has ensured peace on our continent for 70 years, then we no longer deserve to exist. Your Churchillian gesture will go down in history! So you know what awaits you : after World War II you descended into such economic depression that the IMF had to come to your aid, almost as if you were like petty Greece! When you joined in 1973 your GDP was one of the lowest in the EEC, and this is why you adhered to a project you despised. If Churchill believed in the United States of Europe, it had to be with the United Kingdom occupying the role of super power and certainly not a simple member with no more importance than France!
As always, I am amazed by your sense of sacrifice and general interest. When I think what lies ahead of you, both in cutting the links between you and us (200 commercial deals safeguarded by the Union and which you will need to renegotiate, 80,000 pages of community based laws which you will need to sort through to avoid legal loopholes, the many transactions in euros which will desert you for the Continent) and your need to maintain access to the single market, in particular for your banks and financial services, I can only salute your courage! Ahead of you are years of uncertainty, torment and heartrending moments! I salute you, my English friends ! I hope we will be seen as worthy of your sacrifice! In any case, bonne chance for the lonely journey which awaits you!
Traduction: team Vadot (Gordes-Bruxelles-Canberra). Merci à elles et eux!
Eulogos prend acte avec un profond regret des résultats du référendum. Une fois de plus des européens convaincus et convaincants étaient largement absents du champ de bataille de la confrontation électorale .
C’est ce constat, déjà ancien , qui a amené Eulogos à se lancer dans l’organisation d’une réplique contre les eurosceptiques, europhobes, populistes, souverainistes, xénophobes de droite et de gauche. Maël de Calan dans son livre remarquable « la vérité sur le programme du Front National » (ed. Plon) constatait que celui-ci brutalisait (« tabassait ») la classe politique qui encaissait en silence sans réellement réagir. Ce constat peut être élargi à tous les pays de l’Union et à toutes les forces qui se revendiquent de ces tendances extrêmes.
En janvier dernier, Eulogos publiait un article le discours eurosceptique en 2016 qui marquait le début d’une action en vue de fonder un collectif qui défendra le projet initial de l’Union européenne et apportera la réplique à ses opposants. Le 6 juillet prochain à l’occasion du forum organisé dans les locaux de la Commission européenne par tous les stagiaires des institutions européennes présents à Bruxelles, Eulogos va rendre public son Manifeste qui sera lancé dans les premiers jours de septembre. Désormais il convient de hausser le ton.
Notre mot d’ordre : entendre, comprendre et répondre. C’est parce qu’on ne dit rien que les autres se permettent tout !
Quelques repères : c’est maintenant ou jamais, on ne peut plus continuer comme avant. Pour une Europe efficace avec des européens convaincus et convaincants. Ce qui unit la famille des nations européennes ce sont la démocratie, les droits de l’homme, la prééminence de l’Etat de droit.
Ou nous restons profondément unis ou nos peuples disparaitront rapidement comme acteurs influents de l’histoire de l’humanité.
Henri-pierre Legros
Président de Eulogos
Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe
A Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign And Security Policy
Amis Anglais et Gallois, merci, du fond du cœur. Vous avez su résister à tous les arguments, des plus rationnels aux plus apocalyptiques, de ceux qui militaient pour le remain. Vous avez choisi d’ignorer les risques d’explosion de votre glorieux pays, les Écossais et les Irlandais du nord, deux des quatre nations de ce qui reste de votre Empire, ayant massivement -et honteusement- voté en faveur de l’Union. Vous avez pris le risque de diviser pour longtemps votre société entre, d’une part, jeunes, diplômés et urbains, massivement «remain», et, d’autre part, vieux, peu diplômés et ruraux, massivement «leave», une fracture sociale pour longtemps béante. Un vote d’un courage inouï puisqu’il a politiquement dévasté et va économiquement affaiblir votre pays, ce dont l’Europe ne peut que vous être reconnaissante.
Car il manifeste votre sens du sacrifice dont le continent a bénéficié à plusieurs reprises, lorsque vous l’avez sauvé des griffes de Napoléon, puis de l’hégémonisme allemand (à deux reprises). Vous avez enfin compris que la place de votre île n’était pas au sein de l’Union. Bien que vous ayez un grand pied en dehors (budget, euro, Schengen, politique de sécurité et d’immigration, union bancaire, etc.), votre seule présence suffit à bloquer toute tentative d’intégration supplémentaire, non seulement par peur de vous déplaire, mais parce qu’il fallait à chaque fois imaginer une usine à gaz supplémentaire pour que vous conserviez votre « statut spécial ». Résultat : les réformes de l’Union ont toujours abouti, à cause de vous, à la rendre de plus en plus illisible aux yeux des citoyens et donc à les en éloigner. En dépit de tous nos efforts, vous continuiez à trouver cette Europe ultra-réglementaire et dirigiste, alors que la majorité des Européens la trouvent bien trop libérale : nous n’avons pas eu la chance de connaître Margaret Thatcher et nous sommes restés, globalement, attachés à l’État providence, à l’interventionnisme étatique, au marché régulé, toutes choses qui vous font horreur. Aussi, nous avons du accepter d’affadir le projet des pères fondateurs et pratiquer une politique du moyen terme qui, au final, déplait à tout le monde: l’Europe a réussi l’exploit d’inventer l’ultralibéralisme réglementaire !
Vous avez assisté aux chocs qui ont secoué l’Union depuis 2008 et vous avez compris que l’Union risquait de mourir sous le poids de ses contradictions, de ses paralysies, de ses compromis et de la médiocrité de ses dirigeants nationaux qui alimentent un scepticisme de plus en plus fort à l’égard d’un projet européen rendu responsable de toutes les difficultés nationales. Vous avez donc décidé de nous donner un grand coup de pied au derrière : si le choc du départ de l’un des quatre grands pays de l’Union ne nous réveille pas, si nous ne mobilisons pas pour relancer une construction qui a assuré la paix sur le continent depuis 70 ans, c’est que vraiment nous méritons de disparaître. Votre sursaut churchillien restera dans l’histoire ! Car vous savez ce qui vous attend : après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, vous vous êtes enfoncé dans la dépression économique au point que le FMI a dû voler à votre secours, comme une vulgaire Grèce. Votre PIB, lors de votre adhésion en 1973, était l’un des plus bas de la CEE, et c’est pour cela que vous avez rejoint un projet qui vous répugnait. Si Churchill était pour les États-Unis d’Europe, c’était évidemment avec un Royaume-Uni qui en serait la puissance tutélaire et non un simple membre, pas plus important que la France !
Je suis impressionné, comme toujours, par votre sens du sacrifice et de l’intérêt collectif. Quand je pense à ce qui vous attend, tant pour couper les liens entre vous et nous (200 accords commerciaux signés en votre nom par l’Union que vous allez devoir renégocier, 80000 pages de lois communautaires qu’il va falloir trier pour éviter les vides juridiques, les opérations en euros qui vont partir pour le vieux continent) que pour essayer de conserver un accès au marché unique, notamment pour vos banques et vos services financiers, je ne peux que saluer votre courage ! Ce sont des années d’incertitudes, de tourmentes, de déchirements qui vous attendent. Chapeau bas, messieurs les Anglais ! Espérons que nous saurons nous montrer dignes de votre sacrifice. En tous les cas, good luck pour votre aventure solitaire.
Le choix d’une mutuelle santé dépend tout d’abord de vos besoins en soins médicaux. Cependant, il existe certains critères sur lesquels vous devez vous y référer.
Les critères à prendre en compte lors du choix d’une mutuelle santéLe premier critère c’est vos besoins. Il est important de faire un point sur ses besoins avant d’envisager souscrire à une complémentaire santé. Ainsi, vous devez savoir vos besoins en matière santé, ainsi que ce que vous désirez couvrir exactement. En fonction de ce qui en ressortira, vous examinerez les garanties proposées, ainsi que les garanties secondaires si elles existent. Le deuxième critère à prendre en compte c’est les services inclus.
Veillez à bien étudier les services présents dans le contrat de la protection juridique médicale par exemple ou dans celui de l’assistance. Ces services peuvent vous être très utiles. Le troisième critère porte sur les tarifs. En effet, le prix ne doit pas être négligé lors du choix d’une mutuelle santé. Bien que certains pensent que les prix les plus bas sont synonymes de mauvaises mutuelles, rassurez-vous il n’en est rien.
Par la suite, vient la disponibilité de votre conseiller. Ce quatrième critère a tout aussi sa place dans ce sens où vous devez être en mesure de joindre votre conseillé à tout moment où vous avez besoin de lui, que ce soit par téléphone ou par courriel. Le cinquième critère est basé sur le délai de remboursement.
Le délai de remboursement doit être le plus tôt possible, compte tenu du coût de certains soins. Puis, vient en sixième position la date effective du contrat. Il s’agit en d’autres termes de la date à laquelle la couverture santé commence. Ensuite, nous avons comme septième critère le délai de carence, qui est en quelque sorte la période durant laquelle les garanties n’ont aucun effet. Ce délai est appliqué par plusieurs mutuelles santés.
Le huitième critère à prendre en compte ce sont les services en ligne. En effet, vous devez pouvoir disposer d’une interface où il vous sera possible de consulter tous les services dont vous bénéficiez sans avoir à vous déplacer.
Le dernier critère à prendre en compte lors du choix de votre mutuelle santé c’est sa réputation. Bien qu’elles ne bénéficient pas toutes d’une bonne réputation, vous ne pouvez tout de même pas porter votre choix sur une mutuelle où aucun de ses adhérents n’est satisfait de ses services. Alors n’hésitez pas à vous renseigner.
It is a matter of hours before the final results of the British Referendum on European Union Membership will be declared by Chief Counting Officer Jenny Watson in Manchester. Differently from general elections, there will be no exit poll; provisional results would be ready on Friday 24 June around 1 am, while official results will wait until 7 am the same day. Political scientists specialised on electoral dynamics in UK claim that the city of Lancaster will be the litmus test of British electorate’s choice. The last poll released by consultant agency Populus, carried out online and before voting opened, showed remain on 55 % and leave on 45 %. Among the uncertainty, residents have started standing in long queues in front of ATMs. As seen last years in Greece, cash withdrawal can be interpreted as one of the main signs that signals the eve of a financial catastrophe. If that will not be the reality tomorrow, nevertheless the degree of panic and uncertainty reached around the issue today will mark the fate of relationship between UK and the rest of the member States on one side and political balance within the UK itself. Notably, panic and fear, as signalled in one previous article, are not positive in political dynamics (while a electoral booster in time of campaigning). The truth is, even if Brexit will not concretise, the society tomorrow will be divided. If Brexit will gain the majority, the economic and financial world will need to hold their breath for a long time.
One of the first dark horses is the fate of the government, as Cameron cabinet is based on a fragile majority and his party will be furthermore divided. As highlighted by consultant Tom White of Global Counsel agency, the first after-referendum day will see Tories obliged to face the quest for a new party leader. At the same time, in the event of a majority for the Leave choice, the distribution of favour in geographical terms will pose another issue, this time at constitutional level. If Cameron will remain Prime Minister, he will be seriously challenged in terms of legitimacy when opting for or against the starting procedure of an exit based on a formal request to European Institutions based on article 50 of the European Union Treaty. Until now, Scotland and Northern Ireland have appeared pro-Remain in the conducted polls. As mentioned in a previous article, Scotland nationals are generally pro-European, with their Scottish National Party voting against the European Union Referendum Bill during its second reading at the House of Commons on 9 June 2015 (when the Bill actually passed with 544 votes against 53). Remote villages in Scotland and Wales have particularly benefited in the past of European Structural Funds, which constitutes the bulk of their point of view: Remain is not only a political question, but a matter of convenience. Several surveys shows that sixty to seventy-five percent of Scottish voters are in favour of remaining inside the EU, with the very heart of Scotland, the Highlands, depending largely today from trade and tourism, two sectors that will be severely damaged by the detachment from the EU. While in northern England social housing and lack of contribution from national budget have been the main topic concentrating critiques towards the EU, in Glasgow the inhabitants of social housing blocks financed by EU funds (with parameters of modernity and suitability for human living annexed) have interiorised the positive evolution of national social housing policy as a consequence of belonging to European Union. As stated journalist Hans Von der Brelie in the Insiders: “Many Scots are convinced: Europe bears ordinary working class people in mind; Europe shares, and Europe practices solidarity”. 1,3 billion euros have been promised as future investment in social housing by the European Investment Bank, a budget that can fund nearly 20.000 new homes. The cost of a Brexit will not only be economical, but political: one direct consequence of Britain concretely starting negotiation to leave the EU will be that of offering the occasion for another referendum over Scottish Independence. And the actual uncertainty does not offer answers of a potential domino effect that this search of independence will trigger on Welsh and Northern Irish voters.
If the real prospect of a member State leaving the Union has positively conveyed the attention of European policy makers on the absence of a clear procedure according with article 50 of the European Union Treaty, the uncertainty of the procedure and the unpredictability of the length of negotiations is doubling the worries of politicians, economists and entrepreneurs. Economic disadvantages that would be caused by Brexit on both the continent and on British soil have been well portrayed by a rich contribution of reports published by international organisations as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and by national institutions as the Ministry of Treasure and the Bank of England. If the projections differ in terms of short and long-term scenarios, the main result points at years of recession following an initial shock and then a GDP loss, around – 9% in 2030 in the worst scenario.
The problem of this stream of reports has been reflected in several studies that show how more educated people have demonstrated a pro-european stance probably because capable of processing the information provided by the press during the campaign. On the contrary, poorly educated people have been more sensible to populist’ and eurosceptical’ claim to the myth of “regaining sovereignty and a full control on UK budget”. Only one economic study has been published supporting this last position, a report by “Economist for Brexit” that claimed the dishonesty of other experts. Their study, which even stated that leaving the EU would lead to gaining 4% of GDP in ten years, has promptly demolished by London School of Economics. Interviewed by SkyNews at the beginning of this month, Brexiter Secretary of Justice Michael Gove has not been capable of indicate any economist that had explicitly supported the Leave option.
The problem is that today a large part of voters will express themselves unaware of the detailed implication of their choice on their economy. Not only because the narrative during the campaign has not been truly explicative, bur also because of the technicality of certain topics. One example is the debate over tech sector, which had a minor echo in English economical press. It shows the paradox of the effect of Brexit on this sector in terms of juridical consequences on business development. Tech sector is one of the business fields that should be more opened as possible, in terms of financial and human capital. Valuable and innovative projects capable of attracting investors and contributions in terms of skills and ideas can be developed only if people are naturally drawn to a certain market. And the UK market outside EU would not be more attractive neither more opened. Nearly 90% of respondents in a poll conducted by among stakeholders in tech industry in the UK have opposed Brexit. According to a range of CEOs and lawyers surveyed by Business Insider (The Guardian), abandoning EU will harden recruit and maintenance of international “best talents” and certainly start-ups will find new obstacles in raising capital. If we consider the “operational” side of human capital management at international level, tech industry in Britain will face the lack of capability in managing (attracting) significant contributors. Firstly, last years Britain did not provide a successful record in issuing tech sector visas. As proved by official data, between 2014 and 2015, government organisation Tech City UK managed to issue seven visas on a objective of 200. Secondly, very few start-ups can become large enough in the UK alone, has it has been chosen until now as “bridge” between Europe, the US and Asia.
Here comes the problem of an unaware or misinformed electorate. One of the flags of the Leave campaign has been “getting rid of the EU red tape”, that is to say to release British business from the burden of EU regulation. But, in reality, leaving the EU would paradoxically imply a double burden to keep running tech business at European level. The reason lays in the fact that this industry sector is based on data sharing and nowadays data are treated in Britain in accordance with the European system. This last is disciplined by the GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation), a new EU-wide regulatory regime that will come into force in 2018. If Britain will actually leave the EU starting in 2016, considering that negotiations will last at least two years, UK tech companies will go through hard time as the specific regulatory regime they will have to adapt will not be defined, while the new system will entry into force and other European competitors will have the advantage of time to adapt. Not knowing the exact amount of time negotiations will take, a post-Brexit Britain will need a data regulatory framework in accordance with the GDPR, either one scheme that mirrors the European system, either a radical new one. The easier option will be to adopt the GDPR, in the sense that businesses looking to operate in both Britain and the EU would operate with a solely system, while nothing will change for their consumers, following Switzerland’s example. An adequacy decision by the Commission will then be needed, in order to ensure the transfer of personal data from EU to UK. But if the eurosceptic wave will still dominate the debate (and push the government), mirroring EU without being part of it will be a no-go. Then a radical new framework to handle data will be created, financially burdening businesses that will have to switch between two different schemes, an obstacle to both European investors willing to operate in the UK and UK companies willing to operate on the Continent. If the GDPR will remain stricter in comparison with the new UK framework, companies will opt for the stricter system in order to adapt once and for all their activities and save money and time. For most start-ups and tech businesses, which aim is to open offices in major markets in which they operate, this just wouldn’t be an option. On the continent, EU-based businesses with limited resources, facing a separate regulatory regime, will probably abandon Britain in favour of other European markets, at the expense of British consumers. Last but not least, Europe-wide registries uphold currently the rights to trademarks and designs, while the creation of a similar registry for patents is now under construction (European Unitary Patent), i.e. a European hardware start-up will needs to register its design as its intellectual property in one Member State to gain protection across the others.
It is true that under the question of Leaving or Remain there is an ocean of implicit, hidden, un-debated, overly-debated, hardly comprehensible questions. The choice the British electorate will launch tomorrow a newer debate, no matter what the direction will be, on how European politicians and policy makers have underestimated the event, how political and juridical belonging to European Union need to be reshaped and, hopefully, how to put breaks on this eurosceptical drift.
Francesca Sanna
For further information
Aujourd’hui, un numéro spécial de Libération consacré au Brexit. Superbe mise en page. D’un côté, les arguments du «in», de l’autre, ceux du «out», le tout vu tant d’un point de vue britannique qu’européen. Mes articles sont ici: pour le remain , pour le leave.
On 20 June, marked World Refugee Day, Enrique Guerrero Salom, European Parliament's Standing Rapporteur for Humanitarian Assistance, and Elena Valenciano, Chair of the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights issued the following statement:
"On today's World Refugee Day, we have little to celebrate but much to reflect on the hardship millions of families face, the courage and resilience they demonstrate, the dedication of those who come to their aid and the need for an adequate international response ..."Following up on the arrest of human rights defender Nabeel Rajab, the Chair of the European Parliament Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI), Elena Valenciano (S&D, ES), made the following statement:
"I strongly condemn the arrest on 13 June 2016 of Nabeel Rajab, who is a leading human rights defender and President of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights. Mr Rajab was once again arrested for simply exercising his right to freedom of expression and for his peaceful human rights work. This arrest constitutes a blatant violation of Bahrain's commitments under international human rights law..."