Member journalists of Karachi Union of Journalists and Karachi Press Club stage a protest demonstration against flurry of attacks on press freedom and killing of journalists across Pakistan. The journalists are holding banners and placards inscribed with slogans “Attacks on Press Freedom Unacceptable”, “Long Live Press Freedom” and “Attempt to muzzle free press will be opposed”. Credit: Saleem Shaikh/IPS
By Saleem Shaikh and Sughra Tunio
ISLAMABAD, Pakistan , Feb 5 2016 (IPS)
Pakistan continues to remain one of the most dangerous countries for journalists, where frequent attempts to restrict press freedom are commonplace and challenges to expanding media diversity and access to information abound.
Tense and uncertain security conditions, looming risks of terrorism and extremism-related activities, rampant political influence and the feeble role of the country’s democratic institutions, including parliament and judiciary, constitute the main reasons behind the sorry state of press freedom in Pakistan.
To address this issue, editors and news directors of a large number of Pakistani newspapers and television channels formally established ‘Editors for Safety’, an organisation focused exclusively on issues pertaining to violence and threats of violence against the media.
The organization would work on a core philosophy that an attack on one journalist or media house would be deemed as an attack on the entire media. The body would also encourage media organizations to speak with one voice against the ubiquitous culture of impunity, where journalists in the country are being frequently attacked while perpetrators are rarely brought to justice.
Former Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting, Mr. Javed Jabbar, welcomed the formation of Editors for Safety and said “today, militants alone do not target press freedom and journalists in the country. Political, religious, ethnic and the law enforcement agencies also attack them.”
In 2015, the country was ranked 159th out of 180 countries evaluated in the World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF).
Pakistan has been a “frontline state” for almost four decades, which has polarised society and ruined people’s sense of security. Because of the Afghan war, the areas bordering Afghanistan, including Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan and tribal areas in the country’s northwest region, are the most troubled areas for journalists to report from.
Media freedom across the country – and particularly in the terrorism-hit northwest region – has deteriorated over the last several years in part because of extremist groups who hurl threats to journalists for reporting their activities. Religious extremists go after media persons as they believe the latter do not respect their religion and harm it on the pretext of press freedom.
On March 28, 2014, Raza Rumi, a TV anchor, blogger and widely-acclaimed political and security analyst in Pakistan, narrowly escaped death when gunmen opened fire on his car in an attack that left his driver Mustafa dead. He moved to the U.S. soon after the attack on his life, which was triggered by his liberal and outspoken voice on politics, society, culture, militancy, human rights and persecution of religious minorities.
Last year on November 30, one journalist and three other employees of Lahore-based Din Media organization, which runs a TV channel and daily Urdu language newspaper, were killed when unknown miscreants lobbed a hand grenade on the office of the media organisation in Lahore, Pakistan’s second largest urban city of 20 million people. The attack drew countrywide condemnation protests by journalists. The Prime Minister announced his pledge to bring those behind attack to the book and boost security measures for media offices and journalists.
Afzal Butt, president of Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) told IPS,
“We have conveyed the deep concern of the journalist community about the deteriorating state of press freedom to the Prime Minister and federal and provincial information ministers. We have also reminded them of their commitments made for protecting lives of journalists and press freedom in the country. But it has fallen on deaf ears.”
International media watchdogs including the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and RSF have kept highlighting the dismal state of press freedom in the country in their [annual] reports from time to time. Around 57 journalists have been killed in the line of the duty between year 1992 to 2015 and hundreds other harassed, tortured and kidnapped, according to recent data compiled by CPJ, a New York-based independent, non-profit organisation dedicated to the global defence of press freedom. In its 2015 report, CPJ ranked Pakistan as the sixth most deadly country for journalists.
Pakistan is ranked ninth out of 180 countries on CPJ’s Global Impunity Index, which spotlights countries, where journalists are slain and the killers go free.
“Incidents of threats, attacks and killings of journalists in Pakistan are the clear evidence of how critical the situation has become due to thriving culture of impunity,” said Mazhar Abbas, former deputy news director at the Ary News TV in Karachi and well-known champion of press freedom.
The good news is that the country has battled against impunity through judicial actions and institutionalisation of mechanisms to tackle this problem. For instance, two landmark convictions and arrests brought relief to the aggrieved families of slain TV journalists Wali Khan Babar, murdered in 2011 in Karachi, and Ayub Khattak, murdered in Karak district in conflict-prone Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in Pakistan’s northwest.
The cases made progress thanks to relentless efforts by families of journalists, journalist unions and civil society pressure groups with cooperation from government and justice system, Khursheed Abbasi, PFUJ’s secretary general, said. The judicial commission set up to probe the attempt to murder Islamabad-based eminent television journalist Hamid Mir associated with the Geo News TV is part of this movement forward. Further to this was the announcement in April 2015 by the provincial government of Balochistan to establish two judicial tribunals to investigate six murder cases of journalists since 2011.
In another positive development, on March 9, 2015, the Islamabad High Court upheld the conviction of Mumtaz Qadri, the killer of publisher of English newspaper Daily Times Mr. Salman Taseer, under Section 302 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC). Qadri, his official guard in Islamabad in January 2010, killed Taseer, who was governor of Punjab province at that time.
“A free press is a fundamental foundation of sustainable and effective democracy. Any effort aimed at scuttling press freedom will only weaken democracy and democratic institutions,” warned journalist-turned Pakistani parliamentarian Mushahid Hussain Syed. He said that politicians need to realise that supporting endeavours for press freedom at any level would benefit the democratic political leaders themselves.
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Ugandan journalist Andrew Lwanga, who is still recovering more than one year after allegedly being battered by a police commander while covering a protest. Credit: Amy Fallon/IPS
By Amy Fallon
KAMPALA, Uganda, Feb 5 2016 (IPS)
On October 2015, the day that Ugandan journalist Enoch Matovu, 25, was allegedly shot by the police for simply “doing my job”, the police had “run out of tear gas”, he claimed.
“So they had to use live bullets,” this journalist for broadcaster NTV Uganda told IPS. Matovu was injured in the head while covering the apparent vote rigging by contestants during the ruling party’s — National Resistance Movement (NRM) — elections in Mityana, central Uganda. “I only realised when I woke up in hospital what had happened,” he added.
Shockingly, since party elections in October, over 40 Ugandan journalists have been detained, beaten, had their tools and material taken, blocked from covering events and have lost employment, according to Robert Sempala, the National Coordinator for Human Rights Network for Journalists (HRNJ) Uganda. Two other journalists besides Matovu have allegedly been shot by the police.
Ahead of the February 18 elections, in which President Yoweri Museveni, 71, and already in power for 30 years, is standing, there’s a “likelihood” the press crackdown “is going to get worse”, said Sempala. “The contest is neck-to-neck,” he told IPS, adding there was “stiff competition” from the three-time presidential challenger Kizza Besigye and former Prime Minister, Amama Mbabazi. “According to our statistics, most of the victims have been those that cover either Besigye or Mbabazi, as opposed to the rest of the contestants,” he emphasised.
On January 20, Endigyito FM, a privately owned radio station in Mbarara, about 170 miles outside the capital Kampala, was shut down, purportedly over unpaid licence fees of $11,000. Mbabazi’s campaign team claimed that an interview with him two days earlier had been disrupted 20 minutes into the show, after officials from the Uganda Communications Commission stormed the building. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and others have called for the broadcaster to be allowed to resume operations.
In a January report, Human Rights Watch (HRW) warned of a media clampdown, saying radio reporters working in local dialects with an audience in rural areas particularly faced intimidation and threats from government. “Looking over the last decade, its clear that violations of press freedom have clearly increased during elections and also during times of political tension in Kampala,” Maria Burnett, HRW senior researcher for Africa, told IPS.
“For journalists working outside Kampala, in local languages, my sense is that media freedom has been very difficult during political campaigns and elections in recent times,” she added. Burnett said in terms of what is happening outside Kampala, HRW’s research indicated that “the patterns are fairly similar” to the 2011 elections: “Perhaps the only real difference is that some radio journalists are more able to state the pressure they are under and the problems they face, either via social media or other media platforms as the Kampala-based media houses expand coverage country-wide.”
Sempala said “on the whole” there were more cases of violations against the press outside Kampala, according to HRNJ’s statistics. Most journalists attacked anywhere in Uganda claim it is hard to get justice. “Each morning I wonder what to do,” said Andrew Lwanga, 28, a cameraman with local WBS station, who was assaulted last year by the then Kampala district police commander Joram Mwesigye, leaving him with horrific injuries and unable to work. His equipment was also damaged.
“I loved covering the election so much. I would love to be out there,” he added. He is now fund-raising for a spinal operation in Spain — Ugandan doctors told him he had no option but to go abroad – and spends his days sitting in a lounge, watching his colleagues on the TV doing what he most wants to be doing.
Lwanga, a journalist of eight years, was injured while covering a small demonstration involving a group called the Unemployed Youths of Uganda in January 2015. Online, there is footage of Mwesigye assaulting Lwanga, of the cameraman falling down and then being led away by police, holding his head and crying in pain. “Now I can’t walk 50 metres without crutches,” said Lwanga, who has a visible scar on one side of his head and a bandage on one hand. “For the past 90 days I haven’t been able to sleep more than 40 minutes… All of this makes me cry,” he added.
More than a year after the assault, Lwanga’s case is dragging on. Mwesigye has been charged with three counts including assault and occasioning bodily harm, and suspended from his role. But at the last hearing, when Lwanga had to be carried into court by two others, it was revealed that the journalist’s damaged camera – an important exhibit – had disappeared and still hasn’t been found. “(The police) are trying to protect Joram, he wants to retain his job and he (has) always confronted me saying ‘you’re putting me out of work’,” said the cameraman.
Recently, Museveni pledged to financially help this journalist. But Lwanga said he hadn’t received any communication as yet when the money was coming. The last state witness in the trial was due to be heard on February 4 but has been adjourned to the 29th. Despite his ordeal, if he eventually has the operation and recovers, Lwanga said he will get back to work: “I miss my profession”.
Matovu is back at work, but still suffers a lot of headaches after his alleged attack, and admitted “sometimes I’m scared to do my job” “The police are not doing anything about this, only my bosses,” he said of his case.
Sempala said so far HRNJ had only managed to take “a few” cases involving journalists being assaulted to court. More advocacy is required to put pressure on police to investigate cases, he said. Burnett said it was “important that journalists who are physically attacked by police share their stories and push for justice”.
Police spokesperson Fred Enanga told IPS that Lwanga’s case was an “isolated” one, but the fact that police had “managed” to charge Mwesigye was “one very good example” that the authorities did not take human rights breaches against journalists lightly. “Over the years there’s been this very good working relationship with the media,” insisted Enanga.
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February 4, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Libya's internationally recognised government based in Tobruk decided to stop air flights with Sudan for security reasons without further details.
Sudan is accused by the official government of supporting Libyan Islamists government based in Tripoli, as reports say Jihadist fighters from Sudan and other African countries are joining the Libyan chapter of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or Daesh group.
A spokesman for the Libyan Interior Ministry, of Colonel Abdul Hakim al-Obeidi said that the interior minister instructed to stop flights to and from Sudan for security reasons with effect from 28 February 2016.
Al-Obeidi didn't elaborate on the reason behind the decision.
On Tuesday February 2, a senior police officer in Misrata town, told London based The Telegraph that Daesh is recruiting improvised migrants from neighbouring countries such as Sudan, Chad and Mali.
"Illegal immigration is a menace because it brings and encourages foreign fighters to come and fight with ISIS. "Most of the migrants want to go to Europe, but some want to link up with ISIS. Unfortunately, here in Libya we are right in the middle of the migration rat run."
Colonel Ismail Shukri, the head of military intelligence in Misrata, further said that around 70 % of ISIS's army in Sirte was made up of foreign fighters. "The majority - I cannot tell you exactly how many - are Tunisians, while the rest are made up mostly of Sudanese, Egyptians and then people from the Sub-Saharan countries stretching from Chad and Nigeria, along with a few from Algeria and the Gulf," he said.
In September02014, the Libyan government had expelled the Sudanese military attaché after accusing Khartoum of flying weapons to Islamist rebels in Tripoli.
CLASHES WITH DARFUR REBELS
The Sudanese army on Wednesday said they clashed with rebels belonging to the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) without specifying which faction near Libyan town of Al-Kufra which borders Sudan.
Sudanese army spokesperson Ahmed al-Shami told Radio Sawa that Libyan Army killed over 20 SLA fighters. He added the rebels were forced to enter in the Libyan territory after their defeat by the Sudanese army in the far northern border.
On the other hand in statements to Alarabiya.net Wednesday, a Libyan military source confirmed the clashes with the Sudanese rebels.
According to Alarabia, the Libyan army repulsed an attack by the Sudanese rebels who tried to recapture Bouzriq area in the southern part of Al-Kufra town.
The SLA fighters controlled the area for three months before to pull out of the areas as result of an attack by the Libyan army.
Al-Kufra region is under the control of the rival government of the General National Congress (GNC) in Tripoli.
The international community still continues its efforts to form a national unity government in Libya including Tobruk and Tripoli governments, one month after the signing of a UN-brokered deal in Morocco.
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February 04, 2016 (JUBA) – A group of South Sudanese politicians who were detained at the outset of country's conflict in December 2013 and later released to form a third bloc of the ruling party (SPLM) have hinted on returning to the faction of President Salva Kiir.
In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune Thursday, the former political detainees welcomed the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) communique, calling on parties to conflict to form the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU).
“It is our hope that all parties to the agreement will take seriously the recommendations contained in the communique and agree to expeditiously establish the transitional government of national unity and to subsequently engage positively on the issue of the twenty-eight states,” said John Luk, the spokesperson for the former detainees.
The former detainees have two ministerial portfolios and a deputy minister. The government of President Kiir will appoint 16 minister and the armed opposition of former vice president Riek Machar, who will serve as first vice president in TGONU, have 10 ministers. Other South Sudanese political parties will appoint two ministers.
The formers detainees called on South Sudanese citizens to support the directives from regional bodies to form the 30-months running TGoNU by forgiving one another.
Former justice minister John Luk added that his SPLM faction, known as SPLM leaders are ready to join President Kiir's SPLM in government.
“Concerning the re-unification of the SPLM, we are satisfies that this has been achieved through the incorporation of the Arusha Agreement in the SPLM Constitution which was finally adopted by the extra-ordinary SPLM national convention,” he said, referring to an extraordinary meeting organized early January.
Luk, who is named as minister of transport in the TGONU, did not say when the SPLM leaders, whose number has continued to reduce after former Lakes state governor Chol Tong Mayay left them last month, will formally join the SPLM under President Kiir.
The ex-detainee's press statement said the controversy created by President Kiir's decision to create more states will be addressed after forming the unity government.
"We firmly believe that the formation of the Government of National Unity will enhance the building of trust and confidence amongst the parties to the ARCSS and together work to resolve any challenges that may adversely affect the implementation of the agreement and welfare of the people of South Sudan,” further stressed the statement.
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By Farhana Haque Rahman, Director General, Inter Press Service
ROME, Feb 5 2016 (IPS)
While our goal at Inter Press Service is to provide information – a precious global public good – we naturally applaud all efforts to foster and promote the safety of journalists, and so applaud UNESCO’s international conference in Paris on Friday, February 5, 2016 with media executives and member states to discuss just that.
Farhana Haque Rahman
The conference aims both to improve the safety of reporters and tackle ‘impunity for crimes’ against media professionals.Some 370 journalists were murdered between 2004 and 2013 “in direct retaliation for their work”, according to a recent report by the Committee to Protect Journalists. The toll has sadly increased by another 230 in the past two years alone, according to the International Federation of Journalists.
One of IPS’s own, Alla Hassan, was shot and killed while driving to work in Baghdad in 2006. When a journalist is killed, so is the story she or he was working on, and the broader story all news organizations are trying to tell is seriously wounded. IPS emphatically joins in the call for a way to enforce international law on the protection of journalists.
A first step is to pressure countries to submit updates on investigations into attacks against the media on their territory. Currently fewer than half are doing so. Eradicating impunity for such attacks is crucial for reducing their occurrence.
At stake is not only the basic human right of every individual not to be killed but a veritable ecosystem in which a plurality of voices can be represented in increasingly complex and globalized societies. Unsolved attacks cast a long shadow over what remains, potentially enforcing self-censorship, as some reporters on organized crime in Mexico complain.
To be sure, reporters will always resist. Consider Ruqia Hassan, who was executed by ISIS for reporting on militia attacks in her native Raqqa. She knew the threat but preferred it to the humiliation of silence.
In a fast-moving world, attacks on media are taking on new forms. Reporters now must be concerned about their digital safety, for example. And Hassan represents a new breed of independent citizen journalists. While such cases stretch beyond the traditional purview of professional media organizations, we know there is a common cause and that there is great need for progress. So today our hearts are in Paris.
By James Okuk, PhD
The Auxiliary Bishop Santo Loku Pio (born in 1969) of Juba Archdiocese has been consistent in his stance on faith and reason in the context of South Sudan. We should keep congratulating him for that faithful shepherding of the people of God, especially the downtrodden and the made-to-suffer as Luky Dube used to sing for South Africa. At tough time like the one we are encountering now, the Republic of South Sudan needs nothing less than revolutionary theology even if not a liberation theology similar to that of Latin America.
But the concern of many analysts is Archbishop Paulino Lukudu Loro. He is unable to get into shoes of Cardinal Gabriel Zubeir Wako who managed to stand tall against the oppressive Islamists regime in Khartoum during the SPLM/A just war of struggle. It was disgusting last month seeing His Lordship Lukudu spraying holy water on 28 states which has been a violation to the signed peace agreement (ARCSS) in August 2015. He did this when he decided to go to the Secretariat of the former Central Equatoria State Government to bless the three illegitimate governors of the so-called Jubek, Terekeka and Yei River states.
Did His Lordship know the evil he was blessing in that building? Why did he accept to do that when he knew that the ‘three-governors-in-one' (as they would like to pretend in their operation) and their states are still pending political problems in making? Is he not ashamed of shifting loyalty from 28 states (he blessed and endorsed for partitioning Central Equatoria State and erasing it from political map) to IGAD's Communiqué which brings back the disintegrated Equatoria?
Now thank God that the Holy Archbishop has turned around to support the IGAD's Communiqué that demands suspension of the proposed 28 states until it is discussed later by the established TGoNU in competition with other proposed states (Twenty One, Five, Three, None, etc). Men of God should always stand where the truth is, like what Auxiliary Bishop Santo has been doing (including his homely of the new year 2016 when he told the faithful that he finds it hard even to pronounce some names of 28 states, e.g. 'Nyamurnyang' which is an insult to women).
It is high time Archbishop Lukudu start repenting and learning from the young truthful Bishop Santo how Catholic Bishops are supposed to conduct themselves when it comes to issues involving dirty politics of treacherous politicians.
We are blessed in Juba to have an articulate and caring Auxiliary Bishop Santo who has, indeed, proven himself time and again that he is unshakable voice of the voiceless like the known liberation theologian, Martin Niemöller (1892 -1984), who became a soldier in German Navy at age of fourteen and was sub-Lieutenant by the time the First World War began in 1914. He also took interest in nationalistic politics and became a supporter of Adolf Hitler and Nazi' regime. Even after he was ordained in 1929 as a Pastor of the Church of Jesus Christ at Dahlem, Rev. Niemöller remained an ardent supporter of Hitler.
However, he got arrested when he started criticizing in his sermons the evils of the Nazis and was sent to Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp to be "re-educated" in German patriotism. Pastor Niemöller refused to change his revolutionary views and was later transferred to Dachau Prison. In 1938 Joseph Goebbels urged Hitler to execute him but Alfred Rosenberg opposed the idea as it would provide an opportunity to critics like Bishop George Bell of Chichester of the Church of England to attack fiercely the German Government and mobilize the Christians all over the world against it. Rev. Niemöller was allowed to live.
With his release from prison after the end of World War II, Rev. Niemöller became convinced that the German people had a collective responsibility (i.e., guilt) for the Nazi atrocities. He became a pacifist as he realized that military force is never sustainable for political ends. He joined the World Peace Movement and became an outspoken anti-war activist. On his 90th birthday, Rev. Niemöller confessed that he had started his political career as “an ultra-conservative” and later a “revolutionary”, but if he lived to be a hundred years he may become an “anarchist”.
Rev. Niemöller has remained well known for the following famous poetic quote: “First they came for the communists, and I did not speak out - because I was not a communist; Then they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out - because I was not a socialist; Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out - because I was not a trade unionist; Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out - because I was not a Jew; Then they came for me - and there was no one left to speak out for me.”
Milton Mayer in his book, They Thought They Were Free: The Germans (1955) gave a strong tribute that Niemöller is a great man of God who spoke for thousands of the oppressed masses in all corners of the world: “when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing; and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something—but then it was too late.”
Together with Bishop Santo of Juba Archdiocese lets speak out for peace, justice, community development and prosperity in our dear country before it is too late for all of us to have strong voice of the people, amounting to the voice of God.
May the almighty God give more wisdom and courage to all our bishops and other men and women of God so that they don't fear to always remind our astray leaders of the righteous path of peace in the Republic of South Sudan.
Dr. James Okuk is lecturer of politics, reachable at okukjimy@hotmail.com