Africa

September 9, 2016 (JUBA) – A senior official of the South Sudan's government said there is need to instill discipline among South Sudan army with strict application of the law, criticizing them for incidents of “rape and robbery” in the national capital, Juba.

SPLA soldiers, from the 2nd Battalion pose at the SPLA headquarters in Nyang, in the county of Yirol East, on February 15, 2014 (Photo AFP/Fabio Bucciarelli)

Peter Bashir Gbanda, the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, told the newly composed Transitional National Legislative Assembly in a briefing on the latest peace implementation and a visit of the delegation of the United Nations Security Council to Juba.

"Let us restore the SPLA to what it used to be; a very commendable and respectable liberation army during the course of our liberation struggle. I know this SPLA has a very strict orders," said Gbandi, addressing parliament this week.

He was responding to questions from Members of Parliament regarding attacks by suspected government soldiers on expats hotel in Juba. Humanitarian aid workers were raped and their belongings looted in Terrain Hotel.

A government investigation committee commissioned by President Salva Kiir in July said it has found "sufficient evidence" to continue with investigation but did not mention if some soldiers are arrested.

Gbandi said the SPLA war time doctrine of severe punishment might be reinstated.

"If you temper with even an egg [during the war], you will be shot; court martialed and shot openly," he said, referring to bush punishments against SPLA rebel soldiers between 1983-2005.

But he added the death penalty cannot be passed without legal procedures as detailed in laws of South Sudan.

"We are now a nation state and we are governed, we are members of the UN, we are governed by international conventions. We could not be doing this [shooting soldiers]," he added.

Gbanda said the policy is integrating former militia fighters into the ranks and files of the original SPLA compromised its discipline.

"And you know that the goodwill of our president by then and what was provided in the agreement was that all the militias which were being used to fight the SPLA by proxy, by Khartoum were given an option either to join the SPLA or to join SAF [Sudan Armed Forces]," he said.

"But president because he had a vision of us being united as people of South Sudan because of the referendum which was coming, he decided to initiate what you very [well] know is ‘the Juba Agreement' – through [which] most of our militias had to be incorporated into the SPLA," he said.

He added that most the war SPLA fighters have left the army and retired to villages, explaining that government's efforts to stem out indiscipline will include disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs as part of restoring law and order in the country.

(ST)

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

September 9, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – A high level South Sudan government delegation on Friday held talks with Ethiopian Prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, in the Ethiopian capital, Adddis Ababa, on a range of bilateral and regional issues of common concern.

The South Sudanese delegation led by Taban Deng Gai, the First Vice President of the Republic of South Sudan, arrived in the Ethiopia capital on Thursday.

Upon arrival, Gai accompanied by senior ministers was received at Bole International Airport by Ethiopia's senior government officials, Haile Menkerios the head of United Nations Office to the African Union and South Sudan Ambassador to Ethiopia and AU, James Morgan, as well as.

According to Ethiopia government officials, the fragile implementation of peace agreement signed in August between the two rival SPLM factions was high on the discussions between Hailemariam, also IGAD chairperson and the South Sudan's delegation.

Other areas of discussions between the two sides included cooperation on border Security, industry, opening trade corridors along shared border and construction of new roads linking the two neighbouring countries.

The two sides have agreed to establish a joint ministerial commission to implement the various cooperation plans.

Before the delegations departure late Thursday for Ethiopia, Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth, South Sudan's Petroleum Minister told reporters at Juba Airport that the high level delegation will discuss issues to do with trade, infrastructure development and regional security.

“Ethiopia is a strategic neighbour and we want to make sure that while we are implementing the agreement, we also make sure that trade between South Sudan and Ethiopia is booming” Gatkuoth said.

“We would like to make sure that the region is peaceful and all our neighbours are having good relations with us. So we will be normalizing relations with all the neighbours,” he added.

Here in Addis Ababa, the First Vice President and accompany delegation had conducted several meeting with leaders of SPLM/A- IO and various Communities living in Addis Ababa.

However an SPLM-IO official who requested anonymity said that Gai was trying to mobilize South Sudanese Nuers living in Ethiopia join the government.

Gai, was accompanied by senior ministers in the Transitional Government of National Unity that including Kuol Manyang Juuk, Minister of Defence and Veterans Affairs, Ambassador, Ezekiel Lol Gatkuoth, Minister of Petroleum, Rebecca Joshua Okwachi, Minister of
Roads and Bridges, Peter Beshir Gbande, Minister of Parliamentarian Affairs among other dignitaries.

In recent weeks, particularly since the recent clashes that forced the former First Vice President and armed opposition leader, Riek Machar, flee the country, President Kiir government is trying to advance cordial relations with Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan, three IGAD countries that are seen as supporting Machar's reinstallation.

READY FOR DEPLOYMENT

Meanwhile, the Eastern Africa Standby Force (EASF), a regional rapid response force, said on Friday its troops are on standby and ready to deploy to South Sudan if the African Union (AU) gives the directive.

EASF Director Chanfi Issimail said the rapid-deployment force is well equipped and is ready for deployment to the war-torn youngest nation within two weeks.

However, he said the command must be confirmed and endorsed by the AU leaders ahead of deployment.

“EASF has a ready full operational capability force of 5,200 military, police and civilian personnel to fulfil its mandate of enhancing peace and security in the Eastern Africa region”.

EASF is one of the five regional components of the African Standby Force established by the African Union for the purpose of containing conflicts and enhancing peace and security on the continent.

The rapid deployment force draws its membership from ten member states from the Eastern Africa Region, namely Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Uganda, Somalia, Burundi, Comoros, Djibouti, Rwanda and Seychelles.

(ST)

September 9, 2016 (JUBA) - South Sudan's government has denied responsibility for killing of a civil society activist on Thursday.

Anti-corruption activists demonstrate in the South Sudan capital, Juba,on 11 June 2012 (ST)

Emmanuel Wani was reportedly shot dead in Juba on Thursday by suspected government operatives, with speculations that he met his death purportedly for being part of the activists who met with visiting members of the United Nations Security Council in Juba.

The group of activists representing civil society organizations in South Sudan supported deployment of regional troops in Juba and establishment of a hybrid court to try leaders implicated in the war crimes and crimes against humanity from 15 December 2013 when war broke out in the world's youngest nation.

A senior government officials loyal to President Salva Kiir said they had no idea how the activist was killed.

“I am not aware. From where did you hear it,” asked Tut Kew Gatluak, presidential advisor on security affairs, when contacted by Sudan Tribune on Friday.

Also circumstances behind the death of the activist remain largely speculative and nobody among his family members has publicly come out to claim it. Government officials were denying any knowledge of his death as well as participation of a person called Emmanuel Wani during the meeting with the UN Security Council members.

Leading members of the civil society organizations told Sudan Tribune on Friday that they were divided into two separate groups after the arrival of the UN Security Council delegation to Juba last Friday for consultation with the government and other stakeholders.

“I know how our meeting with the Security Council delegation was arranged. Because there [were] two views, the delegation of the United Nations Security Council decided to meet separately with two groups of South Sudan Civil Organizations. The delegation met the South Sudan Civil Society Alliance together with the youth group, women group, Juba University students Union and representative of Chiefs who were supportive of the views of the government. The members of the Security Council later met our group, who are actually the active and independent members of the civil society and other activists, most of us are those in the field and advocate for peace as the only viable way to end the conflict in this country,” a leading member of the civil society organizations recalled.

“So for us we feel it would [be] wise to demilitarize Juba and expedite deployment of the protection [force] and begin the process of institutional reform and implement transitional justice mechanisms among others,” he said.

The activist however said he did not see Emmanuel Wani at the meeting but heard that he was shot dead on Thursday in Juba at around 1:15 pm by gunmen in military uniform.

“There are two Emmanuel Wani I know but which one is being talked about? There is Emmanuel Laku Wani and Emmanuel Subek Samuel Wani, both of them are activists but they were not in the meeting,” he clarified.

He confirmed that other civil society members who met the Security Council members have left the country for fear of their lives. The activists cited government intimidation in retaliation for meeting with the visiting UN Security Council last week as the reasons for fleeing the country.

These reports, if confirmed, are the latest sign of hostility by the government toward the international community as the East Africa's youngest country tries to recover from a civil war that threatens regional peace.

At least three local organizations have been told by South Sudan' government that they can no longer operate. On Wednesday, the U.S. envoy to South Sudan, Donald Booth, told Congress that the number of blacklisted groups could be as high as 40.

South Sudanese government accepted the deployment of 4,000 strong regional force during their interaction of the UN Security Council's delegation.

However, the government a day later came out with contradicting comments, saying they will further discuss the number of the troops, their weapons and areas of operation.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Chairman of the opposition alliance Future Forces of Change (FFC) Ghazi Salah al-Din Attabani said they handed the head of the African mediation Thabo Mbeki proposals to “avoid clogging” of the political process including merging the political and security talks.

FFC leaders at the launch ceremony held in Khartoum on 23 February 2016 (ST Photo)

Last month the African Union High Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) suspended sine die peace talks on Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile after the failure of the parties to strike a deal over the security arrangements and humanitarian access from 9 to 14 August.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Thursday, Attabani said the FFC handed Mbeki a number of proposals including the synchronized start of the political negotiations and the security arrangements talks to in order to avoid any adverse impact from one track on the other.

He pointed that the political talks could be launched through an unofficial consultative meeting among all political forces under the auspices of the AUHIP to discuss the outstanding issues pertaining to the dialogue conference including creation of conducive climate for dialogue, political guarantees for the rebel leaders and the recommendations of the government-led national dialogue.

It is noteworthy that the Sudan Call forces including the armed movements, National Umma Party (NUP) and the Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP) refuse to participate in the internal government-led dialogue and call for holding a preparatory meeting abroad.

Also, major political parties within the internal opposition umbrella National Consensus Forces (NCF) including the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) and the Arab Ba'ath Party (ABP) refuse to join the internal dialogue.

Attabani added they demanded the AUHIP to merge the two negotiation tracks, saying the political and security talks are being conducted in parallel, not identical, way which produced a dichotomy that could lead to many problems in the future.

He pointed that talks in Addis Ababa are being brokered by the AU and attended by regional and international powers while there is no similar talks in Khartoum and “that would produce two parallel political processes”, saying that is why the two tracks must be merged in order to reach an agreement among a well known and recognized parties participating the dialogue.

According to Attabani, the proposals also stressed the need for the government to create a climate conducive for dialogue and allow freedoms particularly freedom of expression, assembly and press.

“These proposals enjoy strong support from several political forces inside [Sudan] and also from the majority of the political forces and armed movements that recently signed the Roadmap Agreement,” he said.

The FFC, including some 41 opposition groups, was launched last February in Khartoum and called on the others to join them to achieve the shared goal of regime change.

The new coalition was met with skepticism from some political parties as it included Islamists figures while other forces including the rebel Sudanese People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) gave it an unenthusiastic welcome.

SPLM-N REJECTS FFC PROPOSAL

Meanwhile, the SPLM-N has warned against any political process that doesn't stop the war and address the humanitarian issue saying it would be “doomed to failure”.

Responding to the FFC proposal, the movement described the humanitarian and security issues as the “backbone” of the talks, saying any credible political process can't be launched without addressing these issues.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Friday, SPLM-N said the creation of conducive climate for dialogue has two wings including stopping the war and resolving the humanitarian issue besides allowing freedoms.

“The political process can't take off without those two wings,” the statement read.

“Our priority in the SPLM-N is to stop the war as a gateway to the political process and the comprehensive solution and we wouldn't participate in any political process that doesn't begin by stopping the war,” the statement added.

The movement stressed that the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) has not yet taken a strategic decision to stop the war or allow freedoms, pointing to the massive human rights violations.

The statement pointed the breaking of the political process stalemate requires intensification of the internal and external pressures on the regime as well as raising mass movement to change the current balance of powers.

“The regime wouldn't make any compromises whether we hold the preparatory meeting first or the cessation of hostilities second … the issue doesn't depend on the technicalities of [how to conduct the talks] but on changing the balance of power” the statement read.

(ST)

September 9, 2016 (EL-GENEINA) - Governor of West Darfur state Fadl al-Mula al-Haga has declared emergency orders to maintain security following a number of killing incidents in recent months.

An African Union-U.N. soldier stands in front of an old African Union APC during a patrol in West Darfur in El-Geneina February 19, 2008. (photo UN)

Al-Haga has replaced former Governor Khalil Abdallah last month after the latter failed to control the lawlessness situation that swept across the West Darfur state.

The newly appointed Governor on Thursday issued a number of local emergency orders aimed to maintain security and save lives.

The first order banned riding of motorcycles within the state's geographical territory without exception besides banning wearing the Kadamool (turban which covers the face).

The second order banned holding weapons and wearing military uniforms in public places with the exception of the regular forces while carrying out their tasks.

He also ordered the judiciary to set up a special tribunal to look into charges pertaining to the emergency orders, instructing the regular forces to take the necessary measure to implement the orders.

The first order would go into effect after two weeks from the date of issuance while the second order would be implemented immediately upon signing.

Al-Haga stressed his keenness to achieve security and impose the rule of law and justice across the state, saying the prestige of the state can't be compromised.

He called for launching a media campaign to educate the residents about the contents of the emergency orders and how the community would benefit from it, saying the orders were issued following the use of motorcycles and firearms as means to commit crimes.

The Governor added that 131 charges in which motorcycles were used in crimes have been recently filed, pointing that firearms have been used in 121 crimes including killing, looting and robbery and illegal drug smuggling.

He stressed those who violate the emergency orders will face trial and could be imprisoned and fined and their motorcycles could be confiscated, saying the work of the security organs would be highly coordinated to carry out the emergency orders.

Al-Haga also disclosed they seek to set up courts in all localities to look into the charges in coordination with the state judiciary.

Last May, eight people were killed and four others injured in a retaliatory attack by unidentified gunmen on a mosque in a village located 10 km. east of West Darfur state capital, El-Geneina.

Arms proliferation has become a major cause of instability in Darfur's five regions as it feeds tribal conflicts and banditry.

Last April, Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir announced the formation of a national body for the collection of illegal arms in Darfur region.

(ST)

September 9, 2016 (JUBA) – A United Nations confidential report has revealed that the recent renewed fighting in the South Sudanese capital, Juba, from 8 July was ordered by both President Salva Kiir and army chief, Paul Malong Awan.

President Salva Kiir, (L), accompanied by army chief of staff Paul Malong Awan, (R), waves during an independence day ceremony in the capital Juba, on July 9, 2015 (Photo AP)

The report also revealed that President Kiir's army brought truckloads of ammunitions from the neighbouring Uganda in June, days or weeks before the fighting started in the first week of July at the Presidential palace.

The United Nations panel of investigation also said the opposition faction led by the former First Vice President, Riek Machar, did not buy ammunitions before the clashes.

The UN panel of experts report quoted by The Associated Press says President Kiir and army chief of staff, Malong, directed the fighting in Juba that killed hundreds, using MI-24 helicopters that only they had the authority to deploy. It cites "numerous reports" from South Sudanese senior military personnel and politicians.

The world body's report also said Kiir and Malong have been focusing on procuring new weapons and ammunition, including the apparent acquisition of two L-39 fighter jets.

South Sudan's civilians are "bearing the brunt of the resulting harm" as weapons continue to be procured, the report says. "By the government's own account, the vast majority of government revenue ... has funded security expenses and the war effort, including the procurement of weapons, rather than social services," AP quoted from the document.

There were conflicting arguments over which side was responsible for the fighting which erupted at the presidential palace as the two top rival leaders were in a meeting to resolve on an earlier incident a day before.

While President Kiir said he did not know what had happened in a press statement on the day of the fighting, he weeks later on said it was a coup attempt by Machar. The opposition leader dismissed the accusation, saying the fighting was a plan by President Kiir and his group to kill him.

Over 300 soldiers, mainly bodyguards, were killed on both sides and the fighting continued a day later into the residence of Machar. He was dislodged and hunted down in the bushes until he crossed into the Democratic Republic of Congo several weeks later.

The UN Security Council has threatened to impose an arms embargo if South Sudan's government doesn't comply with a plan to deploy an extra 4,000 peacekeepers to protect civilians.

"The findings of the South Sudan panel of experts show the absurdity of waiting even one more day to impose an arms embargo on South Sudan," said Louis Charbonneau, UN director at Human Rights Watch.

The report also said officials have focused on "mobilizing their respective tribes," which has worsened ethnic tensions. The government and rebels' "arming of communities based on tribal affiliation continues to fuel widespread violence," it says.

The revelation comes just days after the Security Council visited South Sudan to pressure the government to allow in the 4,000 additional peacekeepers. A joint communique by the council and the government said South Sudan accepted their deployment, but just after the diplomats left, government officials announced conditions including prior approval of troop contributors and what weapons they carry.

The visiting diplomats also pressed South Sudan's government to hold accountable soldiers who have been accused of rampaging through a hotel compound popular with foreigners in the July chaos.

The new report says 80 to 100 soldiers overran the Terrain compound and "raped and gang-raped at least five international aid workers and an unknown number of staff working at the compound. They also executed John Gatluak, a Nuer employee of the NGO Internews in front of his colleagues in an "ethnically targeted killing."

South Sudan's civil war began in December 2013 between supporters of Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, and former Vice President Machar, an ethnic Nuer.

The UN report added: "This attack was well coordinated and cannot be considered as an opportunistic act of violence and robbery."

(ST)

As the mobile revolution continues to drive change across Africa, governments are trying to curb cyber crime - but is this an excuse to crack down on social media?

It is not the first thing that comes to mind when you think of a mega-city like Lagos but sitting on the Atlantic Ocean means Nigeria's biggest city is a prime spot for surfers.

Today the UN refugee agency expressed concern over basic services and security in a territory formerly controlled by Boko Haram insurgents, as hundreds of internally displaced people are returning to their devastated villages and towns in the north-eastern state of Borno – only recently liberated by the Nigerian armed forces.

To strengthen protection services to internally displaced people in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, the Somalia Humanitarian Fund recently released $7 million to scale up life-saving and life sustaining assistance.

A court in Kenya rules that Christian schools may not ban Muslim girls from wearing headscarves as part of their uniforms.

Zimbabwe's government is axing 25,000 civil service jobs in an effort to rein in government spending amid an economic collapse.

Dr Sarah Giles works with Medecins Sans Frontieres and Tony Laurent is one of the rescue staff with SOS Mediterranee.

A satirical take on the African news this week.

The man trying to persuade Senegal to give up its addiction to plastic bags.

Demand for fish in Zambia is high but unorthodox fishing methods are also on the rise.

(Geneva)

Excellency,

Our organisations write to you in advance of the opening of the 33rd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council to share our serious concerns regarding the human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan. Many of these abuses are detailed in the attached annex.

We draw your attention to the Sudanese government’s continuing abuses against civilians in South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Darfur, including unlawful attacks on villages and indiscriminate bombing of civilians. We are also concerned about the continuing repression of civil and political rights, in particular the ongoing crackdown on protesters and abuse of independent civil society and human rights defenders. In a recent example in March 2016, four representatives of Sudanese civil society were intercepted by security officials at Khartoum International Airport on their way to a high level human rights meeting with diplomats that took place in Geneva on 31 March. The meeting was organised by the international NGO, UPR Info, in preparation for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Sudan that took place in May.[1]

We call upon your delegation to support the development and adoption of a strong and action-oriented resolution on Sudan under agenda item 4 at the 33rd session of the UN Human Rights Council. The resolution should mandate a Special Rapporteur to monitor and report on ongoing human rights violations and recommend to the Sudanese government concrete ways to end them, and publicly urge the Government of Sudan to implement the recommendations made to Sudan by the UN Human Rights Council during its 2016 Universal Periodic Review.[2]

Five years on, the conflicts between Sudan and armed opposition in South Kordofan and Blue Nile continue to have a devastating impact on civilians. The most recent round of talks between the Government of Sudan and rebel movements ended in a standstill, with a lack of agreement on modalities for the provision of humanitarian aid and the cessation of hostilities.[3]

Sudanese government forces continue to attack villages and bomb civilian areas indiscriminately, and to block humanitarian aid groups from accessing affected areas. At least 1.7 million people, over half the population of the two areas, have been forced to flee their homes since the conflict started in 2011.[4] The National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation and Sudan Consortium documented twenty incidents of aerial bombardment in South Kordofan’s Heiban County in May 2016, including one incident on 1 May 2016, which resulted in the deaths of six children.[5]  Government forces and allied militia have also been implicated in widespread levels of sexual violence. In February 2015, the Human Rights and Development Organisation reported how government forces raped at least 8 women in South Kordofan in one week.[6] The scale of sexual violence is likely much greater than any reports indicate.[7]

In Darfur, where conflict has continued for 13 years, government forces continue to attack civilians, especially in Jebel Mara. Over 80,000 civilians were newly displaced in Darfur in the first five months of 2016.[8] In 2015, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan characterized Sudan’s strategy in Darfur as one of “collective punishment” and “induced or forced displacement” of communities from which the armed opposition groups are believed to come or operate.[9] The joint African Union – United Nations peacekeeping mission, UNAMID, has been largely unable to access the most affected conflict areas, due to government restrictions.[10]

Government forces continue to use excessive force to disperse demonstrations, resulting in death and injury and there has been no accountability for the deaths of more than 170 protesters killed during violent crackdowns in September and October 2013.

Across Sudan, national security officials and other security forces have targeted opposition party members, human rights defenders, students, and political activists for arrest, detention, and other abuses. In the UN Independent Expert’s second mission to Sudan in April 2016, he noted having received reports of prolonged detention without access to family and lawyers.[11]

Sudanese authorities also routinely repress the basic rights of women, including through public order provisions that criminalize “indecent” dress such as wearing trousers. Authorities have used these and other repressive laws to target female activists and human rights defenders for arrest, detention, and various forms of harassment, including sexual violence.[12] Authorities have restricted civil society organizations from operating freely, including those that fight for women’s rights.

In light of the situation in Sudan, the UN Human Rights Council must take stronger action in response to the widespread and grave violations of human rights and humanitarian law. We urge your delegation to ensure that the UN Human Rights Council adopts at its 33rd session a resolution under agenda item 4 to:

• Strengthen the special procedure mandate on Sudan by extending it as a Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Sudan under item 4, with a mandate to monitor and publicly and periodically report on violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in all parts of Sudan.
• Request the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to urgently dispatch investigation teams, with expertise in sexual and gender-based violence, to investigate crimes under international law and serious violations and abuses of human rights in Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile, identify those suspected of criminal responsibility, provide recommendations for accountability, and to report to the Council on its findings at the 35th session.
• On the 5th anniversary of the conflicts in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, condemn in the strongest terms the grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, including the continued indiscriminate aerial bombing of civilian populated areas, the use of cluster bombs, and other indiscriminate attacks on civilians by Government forces and allied militia, as well as the continued blockade of humanitarian aid.
• Similarly condemn attacks targeting the civilian population and civilian objects in Darfur, in particular looting, destruction of civilian facilities, killings and sexual violence committed by paramilitary forces and other Sudanese government forces, which has led to forced displacement of civilian populations;
• Urge the government of Sudan to allow unfettered access by UNAMID, humanitarian agencies and NGOs to all parts of Darfur and humanitarian agencies, and NGOs to all parts of Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile.
• Urge the Government of Sudan to provide an update to the Council on  concrete measures taken to implement the recommendations made to it during its UPR that enjoy its support, and the recommendations made by the Independent Expert following his visit in April 2016
• Urge the Government to address the continued impunity of security forces and ensure accountability for the killings of more than 170 protestors in Khartoum in September and October 2013, as well as more recent killings such as the student protestors killed in April 2016.
• Condemn the continued restrictions on the media, on human rights defenders and political opponents, freedoms of association and of peaceful assembly, and the use of arbitrary detention and torture, as detailed.
• Urgently call for the release of individuals arbitrarily detained by the NISS and urge the Government of Sudan to repeal the repressive National Security Act of 2010, and all other legislation which grants immunities to Government of Sudan agents.

We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues.

Sincerely,

Organisations

Act for Sudan

Alkarama Foundation

Al Khatim Adlan Centre for Enlightenment and Human Development (KACE)

African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies

Amnesty International

Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies

Christian Solidarity Worldwide

CIVICUS World Alliance for Citizen Participation

Darfur Bar Association

Darfur Relief and Documentation Centre

DefendDefenders

Enough Project

Face Past for Future

Human Rights and Development Organisation

Human Rights Watch

International Commission of Jurists

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)

International Refugee Rights Initiative

Journalists for Human Rights – Sudan

National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation

Never Again Coalition

People4Sudan

REDRESS Trust

Skills for Nuba Mountains

Stop Genocide Now

Sudan Consortium

Sudan Democracy First Group

Sudanese Human Rights Initiative

Sudanese Human Rights Monitor

Sudanese Rights Group (Huqooq)

Sudan Unlimited

Waging Peace

 

Individuals

Dr. Abdel Mutaal Girshab, Human Rights Consultant.

Dr. Ahmed A. Saeed, civil society member and political activist.

Nagla Ahmed, human rights defender.

Salih Amaar, Deputy Editor in Chief of Al-Taghyeer

 

Annex: Human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan since September 2015

Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile

The conflict between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army-North (SPLA-N) in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile, “the Two Areas,” is now five years old. Sudanese authorities and the opposition forces continue to disagree on modalities for humanitarian access to the region.

Since the outbreak of fighting, Sudanese government forces have indiscriminately attacked -- both by ground forces and aerial bombardment -- civilians in rebel-held areas of the Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. These attacks often coincide with planting and harvesting seasons, causing massive food insecurity and large-scale displacement. The South Kordofan and Blue Nile States Food Security Monitoring Unit reported that in the Warni and Kau-Nyaro areas of South Kordofan, controlled by the SPLM-N, 242 people in eight villages (including 24 children) were reported to have died from lack of food and hunger-related illnesses in the last six months of 2015.[13]

Whilst the Government of Sudan has a legitimate right to target the SPLA-N, international law requires that civilians, and civilian objects, are protected at all times. Attacks on civilian areas, including hospitals and schools, breach international standards and may constitute war crimes.

In April and May 2016, the International Refugee Rights Initiative and the National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation found that there had been a significant increase in the number of children killed and injured by bombs. Overall, the monitors documented a total of 101 incidents of aerial bombardments, shelling and ground fighting resulting in the deaths of 41 people (six men, four women and five children) and injury to 53 people (eight men, seven women and 22 children).[14]

 

Darfur

Following a referendum on the administrative status of Darfur in April 2016, the Government of Sudan reiterated its argument that UNAMID was no longer needed and that the referendum signaled the conclusion of the peace process.[15] Despite its claims that the war is over, civilians throughout the region continue to suffer the impact of fighting and widespread human rights abuses. Immunities protecting Sudanese authorities have led to a lack of accountability for crimes committed against civilians. In addition to government attacks on suspected rebel areas, other armed groups continue to fight often along ethnic lines over land or resources.

Human Rights Watch documented evidence of war crimes and potential crimes against humanity during two Rapid Support Forces (RSF) campaigns in South Darfur in 2014 and Jebel Marra in 2015. During these offences, forces repeatedly attacked villages, and burned and looted homes, beating, raping and executing villagers.[16] 

Civilians in South Darfur and particularly Jebel Marra continue to face attacks and abuses in 2016 by the RSF in “Operation Decisive Summer” offensives. In January 2016, the Sudanese government renewed aerial bombardments and ground attacks on presumed rebel locations.[17]  In January and February 2016, the government forces destroyed 47 villages and killed dozens of civilians in ground and aerial attacks.[18] Civilians displaced from Jebel Marra have reportedly fled to Kabkabeyia, Tawila, and Nertiti, orfurther into the mountainous region into rebel held areas, where they are unable to access humanitarian assistance.[19]

Authorities continued to stifle reporting on the situation. Civilians have been arrested and detained without charge for engaging in dialogue with members of the international community. On 31 July 2016, ten people, including seven internally displaced persons, were arrested and detained by the NISS in Nierteti, central Darfur, after attending a meeting with the United States Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan, Donald Booth.[20]

 

Excessive use of force and extra-judicial killings

Authorities continue to break up demonstrations and political forums using excessive force and mass arrests. In April 2016, violent confrontations between students and security agents went on for three weeks at the University of Khartoum. Dozens of students were arrested during these protests, with an unknown number of detainees held in NISS custody, raising serious concern for the safety and well-being of all detainees.

On 5 May 2016, NISS agents raided the office of a prominent human rights lawyer, Nabil Adib, in Khartoum and arrested a group of students, their family members, and office staff. The students were receiving legal advice on appealing a decision by the University of Khartoum to expel or suspend them following their participation in the protests.[21]

In West Darfur, at least seven people, including one child, were killed when security forces used live ammunition at a crowd of protestors outside the West Darfur state governor’s office on January 10, 2016. The crowd had gathered to demand protection after the nearby village of Mouli was looted and burned to the ground. The following day, three people were killed and seven others sustained gunshot wounds when security forces again fired live ammunition at the funeral for the deceased. [22]

On January 31, security forces again used excessive force to disperse university students who convened to discuss the attacks on Mouli at El Geneina university. On 2 February 2016, one student, Salah al Din Gamar Ibrahim, died from a head injury following a violent raid, in which he was detained and beaten. His dead body was found outside his home and medical sources reported the cause of death was internal bleeding from a head injury caused by a sharp object.[23]

In April, two students were killed in separate incidents in which government security forces and armed students used live ammunition to break up protests at two university campuses. On 19 April 2016, Abubakar Hassan, (m), 18 years of age and a student at the University of Kordofan in El Obeid was killed by a gunshot wound to the head.[24] The attack began when the NISS intercepted a group of students marching peacefully towards the Student Union to submit a list of pro-opposition candidates for student union elections that day. The NISS agents, using AK47 rifles and pistols, fired into the crowd.

In the following days students demonstrated at universities across the country protesting Mr. Hassan’s death. On 27 April 2016, Mohamed al-Sadiq Wayo, (m), 20 years of age and a student at Omdurman Ahlia University was killed by a gunshot wound to the chest. Witnesses reported that the victim was shot by NISS agents after a political forum took place, which had been organized by the Nuba Mountain Students’ Association and at which members criticized the killing of Mr. Hassan as well as the forcible dispersal of demonstrations at Khartoum University on 13 April 2016.[25]

To date, there has been no accountability for the victims of anti-austerity protests that took place in 2013, when Sudanese security forces fired live ammunition to disperse protestors. Although our organisations documented that more than 170 individuals were killed, many the result of gun-shot wounds to the chest or head, Sudanese authorities have acknowledged just 85 deaths.[26] The mandate, composition and findings of three commissions of inquiry reportedly established by authorities to investigate the killings have never been made public. Out of at least 85 criminal complaints pursued by victims’ families, only one progressed to court. The murder conviction of the accused, a Sudan Armed Forces officer, was overturned on appeal.

Human rights defenders and victims rights groups calling for justice and accountability for the 2013 protest killings have been subjected to arbitrary arrests and harassment. On 3 February 2016 a group of 15 women were arrested and beaten with wooden batons by members of Sudan’s NISS in Khartoum for staging a protest demanding accountability for the 2013 protest killings.[27]

 

Repression of Civil Society Activists, Journalists, and Organizations

The NISS has continued to use its sweeping powers to detain activists, civil society, human rights defenders, and political opponents for up to four and a half months without charge. The NISS routinely holds detainees incommunicado and without charge for prolonged periods, sometimes in excess of the period permitted by the 2010 National Security Act. Our organisations have documented patterns of torture and ill-treatment of detainees and other forms of intimidation and harassment, such as summonses and threatening phone calls, to threaten perceived political opponents and activists.[28] 

Over the past eighteen months, TRACKS has been raided twice, on 16 April 2015[29] and 29 February 2016.[30]  National security officials have detained several of its staff and affiliates, and brought criminal cases against individuals following each raid, charging them with a number of offences including crimes against the state, which carry the death penalty. Three of the accused were detained without charge for 86 days by the Office of the Prosecutor for State Security before being transferred to Al Huda Prison to await trial, where they remain. In addition, charges pending for over a year were reactivated against a human rights defender, Adil Bakhiet, in May 2016.

Human Rights Watch documented how NISS has used its powers to silence female human rights activists in particular, including through sexual violence.[31] In addition, authorities continue to unduly restrict civil society organizations in other ways. Authorities have shut down organizations, such as the Salmmah Center in October 2014, and imposed undue restrictions on registration. The Confederation of Sudanese Civil Society Organisations reported that in the last quarter of 2015 three organisations faced ongoing restrictions in the renewal of their licences, one local organisation was denied registration, and another was forcibly closed without reasons being given.[32] 

The NISS continues to censor not only independent newspapers or those affiliated to opposition political parties, but also those that are traditionally supportive of or affiliated to the ruling National Congress Party (NCP). A number of Sudanese laws restrict the right to peaceful expression, association and assembly, including provisions of the 1991 Sudanese Penal Code and the 2009 Press and Publications Act.

NISS officials have repeatedly summoned journalists and threatened them with prosecution, arbitrarily detained them, and harassed them with threatening visits or telephone calls from NISS officials ordering them not to report on so-called “red line” issues deemed to be controversial or critical of the NCP.[33] For example, in April 2016, newspapers were prevented from publishing information on the arrests of students at Khartoum University.

Post-print censorship, whereby entire print runs of daily editions are confiscated prior to morning distribution, continues to be routinely utilised, at great cost to newspapers.

During the second week of May 2016 the NISS confiscated the independent daily Al-Jareeda newspaper five times without giving any official reason.[34] Printed copies of the newspaper were confiscated by the NISS on 9 and 10 May 2016. The newspaper was allowed to publish on 11 May 2016, before daily issues were confiscated again on 12 and 13 May 2016.

On 11 April 2016 the NISS took down copies of Alrahil newspaper, known as a “wall” newspaper in El Fashir, which has been printed and displayed for readers on the wall outside the home of its Chief Editor since 1995. Its’ Chief Editor, Ms. Awatif Ishag, was arrested and interrogated regarding an article she had published on the referendum process in Darfur.

 

Death Penalty

The death penalty, which is implemented by hanging in Sudan, is not restricted to the most serious of crimes.[35] The crime of apostasy – which itself should not constitute a crime under international law – carries the death penalty. Crimes against the state charges that carry the death penalty have been used increasingly often since 2011 to punish and silence political opposition party members and other activists who have criticized government policy. Since the last review the scope of application of the death penalty has been widened. The crime of apostasy has been broadened to include additional prohibited acts and a new crime of trafficking attracts the death penalty.

 

Freedom of religion

Increasing restrictions on religious freedoms have been documented since 2013, particularly targeting members of Christian churches in Sudan. In other cases, individuals have been targeting for expressing alternative views and visions of Islam, or incorporating ongoing political events into worship.

On 14 July 2016, Yousef Abdallah Abker, (m), 55 years of age and a religious scholar, was arrested by security agents in El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur state, in relation to a sermon he gave in early July. He was detained without charge.  Yousef Abdallah Abker was interrogated for criticising the government and the deteriorating security situation in Darfur during the Eid Ramadan sermon he gave on 6 July. In his sermon, Yousef Abdallah Abker condemned the government of Sudan for its inability to control the security situation in Darfur and for overlooking abuses committed by pro-government militias, including killings, rape and robbery. Mr. Abdallah Abker was denied access to a lawyer and medical treatment following his arrest.[36]

 

 

[1] Joint NGO Letter, “Sudan blocks civil society participation in UN-led human rights review”, 31 March 2016.

[2]  UN Human Rights Council Working Group on the UPR, “Draft report of the Working Group on the Sudan Universal Periodic Review”, May 2016.

[3] African Union High Level Implementation Panel on Sudan, “Statement on the AUHIP Cessation of Hostilities Negotiations”, 15 August 2016.

[4] Sudan Consortium, “Humanitarian Crisis in Sudan’s Two Areas and Darfur”, March 2015.

[5] National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation and Sudan Consortium, “Human Rights Update: May 2016”, August 2016.

[6] Radio Dabanga, “Govt. forces rape, wreak havoc in South Kordofan,” 23 February 2015,

[7] Coalition of NGOs, “Sudan: Joint Civil Society Statement regarding Sexual Violence in Conflict”, 20 June 2016.

[8] UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Sudan: Darfur Humanitarian Overview”, 1 June 2016.

[9] UN Security Council, “Letter dated 16 January 2015 from the Vice-Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan addressed to the President of the Security Council”, 19 January 2015.

[10] Ibid.

[11] “Statement by the United Nations Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Sudan, Mr. Aristide Nononsi, at the end of his first mission to Sudan”, April 2016.

[12] Human Rights Watch, “Good Girls Don’t Protest’: Repression and Abuse of Women Human Rights Defenders, Activists, and Protesters in Sudan”, 23 March 2016.

[13] UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA), “Humanitarian Bulletin Sudan, Issue 9”, 22 – 28 February 2016.

[14]  National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation and the Sudan Consortium, “Attacks on civilians in Southern Kordofan, Sudan 2011-2016”, September 2016.

[15] International Refugee Rights Initiative, “’No one on the earth cares if we survive except God and sometimes UNAMID’: the challenges of peacekeeping in Darfur”, June 2016.

[16] Human Rights Watch, “Men With No Mercy”, September 2015.

[17] UN Security Council, “Special report of the Secretary-General and the Chairperson of the African Union Commission on the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur”, 8 June 2016.

[18] Human Rights Watch Dispatch, “Inaction on Darfur, Again”, 17 February 2016

[19] SUDO UK, “SUDO (UK) Statement on January Government Offensive in Jebel Marra”, 31 January 2016.

[20] Amnesty International, “Eight arrested, whereabouts unknown”, 8 August 2016.

[21]Amnesty International, “Eight students arrested, whereabouts unknown”, 9 May 2016

[22] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Sudan must protect civilians in West Darfur and reign in security forces after village burned and protestors lethally shot”, 14 January 2016.

[23] ACJPS, “West Darfur: One student dead after heavy beatings and serious concern for safety of another student detained incommunicado at security offices”, 8 February 2016.

[24] Amnesty International, “Sudan: Government must investigate brutal killing of 18-year old university student by intelligence agents”, 20 April 2016.

[25] 39 NGOs, “Open letter from 39 Sudanese NGOs and individuals concerning excessive use of force by Sudanese authorities”, 3 May 2016.

[26] Human Rights Watch, “Sudan: No Justice for Protest Killings”, 21 April 2014.

[27] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Protestors calling for justice for victims of 2013 protest killings beaten and detained by Sudan’s security agency in Khartoum”, 10 February 2016.

[28] Human Rights Watch, “Sudan: Students, Activists at Risk of Torture”, 25 May 2016.

[29] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Sudanese human rights defenders detained on baseless charges and others at risk after armed raid on Khartoum training centre”, 18 April 2015.

[30] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Sudan: TRACKs office once against raided and staff targeted by NISS”, 23 March 2016.

[31] Human Rights Watch, “Good Girls Don’t Protest,” March 23, 2016,

[32] Confederation of Sudanese Civil Society Organisations, “October – December 2015”, January 2016.

[33] ACJPS and the International Federation for Human Rights, “Oral Statement submitted under item 11: Activity report of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa”, 10 November 2015.

[34] ACJPS, “Independent Khartoum newspaper confiscated five times in one week, local Al Fashir paper’s editor harassed” 18 May 2016

[35] ACJPS, “The Wide Application of the Death Penalty in Sudan”, August 2016.

[36] Amnesty International, “Religious Scholar detained without charge”, 21 July 2016

Geneva, 8 September 2016

To Permanent Representatives of
Members and Observer States of the
UN Human Rights Council
 

RE: Addressing the escalating human rights crisis in Ethiopia

Your Excellency,

The undersigned civil society organisations write to draw your attention to grave violations of human rights in Ethiopia, including the recent crackdown on largely peaceful protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions.

As the UN Human Rights Council prepares to convene for its 33rd session between 13 – 30 September 2016, we urge your delegation to prioritise and address through joint and individual statements the escalating human rights crisis in Ethiopia.

An escalating human rights crisis in Oromia and Amhara Regions

The situation in Ethiopia has become increasingly unstable since security forces repeatedly fired upon protests in the Amhara and Oromia regions in August 2016. On 6 and 7 August alone, Amnesty International reported at least 100 killings and scores of arrests during protests that took place across multiple towns in both regions. Protesters had taken to the streets throughout the Amhara and Oromia regions to express discontent over the ruling party’s dominance in government affairs, the lack of rule of law, and grave human rights violations for which there has been no accountability.

Protests in the Amhara region began peacefully in Gondar a month ago and spread to other towns in the region. A protest in Bahir Dar, the region’s capital, on 7 August turned violent when security forces shot and killed at least 30 people. Recently, on 30 August, stay-at-home strikers took to the streets of Bahir Dar again and were violently dispersed by security forces. According to the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE), in the week of 29 August alone, security forces killed more than 70 protesters and injured many more in cities and towns across Northern Amhara region.

Since November 2015, Ethiopian security forces have routinely used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to disperse and suppress the largely peaceful protests in the Oromia region. The protesters, who originally advocated against the dispossession of land without adequate compensation under the government’s Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, have been subjected to widespread rights violations. According to international and national human rights groups, at least 500 demonstrators have been killed and hundreds have suffered bullet wounds and beatings by police and military during the protests.

Authorities have also arbitrarily arrested thousands of people throughout Oromia and Amhara during and after protests, including journalists and human rights defenders. Many of those detained are being held without charge and without access to family members or legal representation. Many of those who have been released report torture in detention. The continued use of unlawful force to repress the movement has broadened the grievances of the protesters to human rights and rule of law issues.

The need for international, independent, thorough, impartial and transparent investigations

Following the attacks by security forces on protesters in Oromia earlier this year, five UN Special Procedures issued a joint statement noting that “the sheer number of people killed and arrested suggests that the Government of Ethiopia views the citizens as a hindrance, rather than a partner”, and underlining that “Impunity … only perpetuates distrust, violence and more oppression”.

In response to the recent crackdown, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, has called for “access for independent observers to the country to assess the human rights situation”. Ethiopia’s government, however, has rejected the call, instead indicating it would launch its own investigation. On 2 September, in a public media statement, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights reiterated the UN High Commissioner’s call to allow a prompt and impartial investigation led by regional or international human rights bodies into the crackdown.

There are no effective avenues to pursue accountability for abuses given the lack of independence of the judiciary and legislative constraints. During the May 2015 general elections, the ruling EPRDF party won all 547 seats in the Ethiopian Parliament.

Ethiopia’s National Human Rights Commission, which has a mandate to investigate rights violations, has failed to make public its June report on the Oromia protests, while concluding in its oral report to Parliament that the lethal force used by security forces in Oromia was proportionate to the risk they faced from the protesters. The Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions has rated the Ethiopian National Human Rights Commission as B, meaning the latter has failed to meet fully the Paris Principles.

The High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs, Federica Mogherini, who met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the margins of the European Development Days in June 2016, has called on all parties to refrain from the use of force and for a constructive dialogue and engagement to take place without delay. On 28 August, after the EPRDF party’s general assembly, Prime Minister Hailemariam reportedly ordered the country’s military to take any appropriate measures to quell the protests, which he described as illegal and aimed at destabilising the nation. Following a similar call regarding the Oromia protests, security forces intensified the use of excessive force against protesters.

A highly restrictive environment for dialogue

Numerous human rights activists, journalists, opposition political party leaders and supporters have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. Since August 2016, four members of one of Ethiopia’s most prominent human rights organisations, the Human Rights Council (HRCO), were arrested and detained in the Amhara and Oromia regions. HRCO believes these arrests are related to the members’ monitoring and documentation of the crackdown of on-going protests in these regions.

Among those arrested since the protests began and still in detention are Colonel Demeke Zewdu (Member, Wolkait Identity Committee (WIC)), Getachew Ademe (Chairperson, WIC), Atalay Zafe (Member, WIC), Mebratu Getahun (Member, WIC), Alene Shama (Member, WIC), Addisu Serebe (Member, WIC), Bekele Gerba (Deputy Chair, Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)), Dejene Tufa (Deputy General Secretary, OFC), Getachew Shiferaw (Editor-in-Chief of the online newspaper Negere Ethiopia), Yonathan Teressa (human rights defender) and Fikadu Mirkana (reporter with the state-owned Oromia Radio and TV). 


Prominent human rights experts and groups, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, have repeatedly condemned the highly restrictive legal framework in Ethiopia. The deliberate misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation’s overbroad and vague provisions to target journalists and activists has increased as protests have intensified. The law permits up to four months of pre-trial detention and prescribes long prison sentences for a range of activities protected under international human rights law. Dozens of human rights defenders as well as journalists, bloggers, peaceful demonstrators and opposition party members have been subjected to harassment and politically motivated prosecution under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, making Ethiopia one of the leading jailers of journalists in the world.

In addition, domestic civil society organisations are severely hindered by one of the most restrictive NGO laws in the world. Specifically, under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation, the vast majority of Ethiopian organisations have been forced to stop working on human rights and governance issues, a matter of great concern that has been repeatedly raised in international forums including at Ethiopia’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

This restrictive and worsening environment underscores the limited avenues available for dialogue and accountability in the country. It is essential that the UN Human Rights Council take a strong position urging the Ethiopian government to immediately allow an international, thorough, independent, transparent and impartial investigation into alleged human rights abuses committed in the context of the government’s response to the largely peaceful protests.

As a member – and Vice-President – of the Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has an obligation to “uphold the highest standards” of human rights, and “fully cooperate” with the Council and its mechanisms (GA Resolution 60/251, OP 9). Yet for the past ten years, it has consistently failed to accept country visit requests by numerous Special Procedures.

During the upcoming 33rd session of the Human Rights Council, we urge your delegation to make joint and individual statements reinforcing and building upon the expressions of concern by the High Commissioner, UN Special Procedures, and others.

Specifically, the undersigned organisations request your delegation to urge Ethiopia to:

1. immediately cease the use of excessive and unnecessary lethal force by security forces against protesters in Oromia and Amhara regions and elsewhere in Ethiopia;
2. immediately and unconditionally release journalists, human rights defenders, political opposition leaders and members as well as protesters arbitrarily detained during and in the aftermath of the protests;
3. respond favourably to country visit requests by UN Special Procedures;
4. urgently allow access to an international, thorough, independent, impartial and transparent investigation into all of the deaths resulting from alleged excessive use of force by the security forces, and other violations of human rights in the context of the protests;
5. ensure that those responsible for human rights violations are prosecuted in proceedings which comply with international law and standards on fair trials and without resort to the death penalty; and
6. fully comply with its international legal obligations and commitments including under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and its own Constitution.

Amnesty International
Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Civil Rights Defenders
DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
Ethiopian Human Rights Project
FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights)
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative
Freedom House
Front Line Defenders
Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect
Human Rights Watch
International Service for Human Rights
Reporters Without Borders
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)

Thérèse, a 14-year-old in the Central African Republic, probably doesn’t know that defense ministers from around the globe will meet in London on Thursday this week to discuss United Nations peacekeeping. But she has a stake in what happens there.

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A United Nations peacekeeper stands alongside a road near the refugee camp of Saint Sauveur, in the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, November 29, 2015.

© 2015 Reuters

Thérèse was one of eight girls and women who told Human Rights Watch peacekeepers raped them in the eastern town of Bambari. Thérèse described how a peacekeeper grabbed her as she passed a UN base. “We walked for a while,” she said. “Then he ripped off my clothes and used them to tie my hands behind my back. He threw me on the ground, placed his gun to the side, and got on top of me to rape me. When he was done, he just left.”

Thérèse is one of many survivors of such abuses. The UN’s oversight agency received 480 allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers between 2008 and 2013. At least 102 allegations were made against UN peacekeepers in Haiti since 2007.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon pledged reforms following a scathing independent report citing UN failures in handling peacekeeper abuse. In the Central African Republic, some troops have been sent home, at least in part due to allegations of abuses, and UN and national teams launched investigations. Prosecutions began of some peacekeepers from the Democratic Republic of Congo, accused of sexual abuse in Central African Republic, though there have been no convictions.

All too often when peacekeepers hurt those they are meant to protect, victims get little support or justice. Only troop-contributing countries can prosecute their own forces. Prosecutions and convictions are disturbingly rare, and information on their status hard to come by. According to Secretary-General Ban’s 2015 annual report on sexual exploitation and abuse, troop-contributing countries confirmed punishment of peacekeepers in only 10 cases.

Ministers meeting in London can address gaps in the system by requiring, as a precondition for participation, commitments from troop-contributing countries to hold their peacekeepers to account. Countries who don’t follow through should be suspended from sending peacekeepers.

More should also be done to prevent abuses. Ministers should commit to stronger screening mechanisms to weed out soldiers and police with histories of abuse, and require military forces on UN watchlists for sexual violence and abuse of children in conflict to meet benchmarks towards changing their standing. Standardized training on human rights obligations, and consequences of violating them, should be mandatory for all troops before and during deployment.

At last year’s peacekeeping summit, the US – UN peacekeeping’s biggest financial contributor – said it was committed to reform, including accountability for abuses. It’s time such pledges yield progress.

The UN relies on more than 100,000 peacekeepers to protect civilians in places torn apart by conflict. Failure of UN and troop-contributing countries to take all measures to prevent and punish abuses by these troops is unconscionable, and undermines the very idea of peacekeeping. And survivors know this. As Thérèse said of her rapist, “There should be some justice done to this man."

Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe returned to Harare this week from an unexplained trip to the United Arab Emirates that triggered widespread speculation about his health, and even rumors that he had died. 

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Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe arrives home from abroad at the capital's main airport in Harare, Zimbabwe, September 3, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

But on arrival, he put rumors to rest as he addressed the ruling ZANU-PF party’s youth league and launched a blistering verbal attack on the country’s judiciary. In apparent reference to a High Court decision to allow 18 opposition political parties that are calling for electoral reforms to conduct a protest in late August, Mugabe said: “They [the judges] dare not be negligent in their decisions when requests are made by people who want to demonstrate.” He claimed the judges gave permission in “full knowledge” that the protests could be violent, and said their decision was taken in “disregard to the peace of this country.”

This is not the first time Mugabe has attempted to interfere with the judiciary. In 2000, after judges ruled that the government’s controversial land reform program was unlawful, Mugabe called the judges guardians of “white racist commercial farmers.” In 2005, when High Court Justice Tendai Uchena ruled that Roy Bennet, a jailed opposition member of parliament, was eligible to contest the upcoming elections from prison, Mugabe described the decision as “stupid.” Justice Uchena subsequently reversed his own judgment and barred Bennet from participating in elections. 

Mugabe’s government has also undermined Zimbabwe’s judiciary by disregarding High Court orders, and making frequent public statements attacking both the judiciary in general as well as individual judges.

His latest comments not only seem intended to have a chilling effect on judges – who will think twice before making similar rulings in the future – but appear to tacitly endorse the actions of the police who on August 26, 2016 violently cracked down on the peaceful protests. His statements also undermine Zimbabwe’s international human rights law obligations to respect due process and judicial independence under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both of which Zimbabwe has ratified.

Mugabe needs to stop interfering in the judiciary’s independence, so that the courts can play their crucial role in a democratic society. Zimbabweans have the right to peaceful protest and expressing their views, and judges should not be constrained in enforcing those rights.