Africa

Nigeria begin the defence of their women's Africa Cup of Nations title with an impressive 6-0 victory over Mali in Limbe.

A human rights scholar and lawyer in Lusaka says the Football Association of Zambia should include a non-discrimination clause in their constitution.

Tera, Bajirga, Niger - Women at work for preparing the field for the next rainy season by escaving mid-moon dams to save water. Credit: ©FAO/Giulio Napolitano

By Baher Kamal
ROME, Nov 20 2016 (IPS)

Desertification, land degradation, drought, climate change, food insecurity, poverty, loss of biodiversity, forced migration and conflicts, are some of the key challenges facing Africa—a giant continent home to 1,2 billion people living in 54 countries.

And they are huge challenges indeed, in particular affecting Africa’s vulnerable drylands. Just think that the drylands of North Africa, Sahel and Horn of Africa extend over 1.6 billion hectares home to about 500 million people, i.e. slightly less than half of the entire population of the continent.

Nora Berrahmouni

Such rapidly deteriorating situation, which has been exacerbated by climate change and its growing impact, has mobilised more than 20 African countries around the Sahara (North, East and West), international organisations, research institutes, civil society and grassroots organisations, to build together what has been called: The Great Green Wall for the Sahara and the Sahel Initiative (GGWSSI) or simply Africa’s Great Green Wall (GGW).

On this, Nora Berrahmouni, Forestry Officer (Drylands) at the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), tells IPS in an interview that the GGW core area (focus area for intervention identified) is about 780 million hectares.

What is this Wall all about? “Africa’s Great Green Wall, the so-called “Great Green Wall for the Sahara and the Sahel Initiative (GGWSSI)” is a Pan African initiative, established and endorsed by the African Union in 2007 and it is Africa’s flagship initiative to combat the effects of climate change, desertification, food insecurity and poverty.”"Drylands of North Africa, Sahel and Horn of Africa extend over 1.6 billion hectares home to about 500 million people"-- FAO

Here, Berrahmouni clarifies that the so-called Great Green Wall initiative “is not a line or a wall of trees across the desert. The “Wall” is a metaphor to express solidarity between countries and partners, a mosaic of sustainable land management and restoration interventions.”

Regardless of its name, the plan aims at promoting:

• Long-term solutions to the pressing challenges of desertification, land degradation, drought and climate change,

• Integrated interventions tackling the multiple challenges affecting the lives of millions of people in the Sahel and Sahara, including restoration of production systems, development of rural production and sustainable development hubs,

• And an urgent call to development actors and policy makers to invest more on long term solutions for the sustainable development of drylands in the Sahel and Sahara.

Asked about specific examples, these are “sustainable management of natural resources, including soils, water, forests, rangelands; promotion of sustainable rural production systems in agriculture, pastoralism and forestry, as well as sustainable production, processing and marketing of agricultural products and forest goods and services, says Berrahmouni.

Other examples include the diversification of economic activities through rural production centres, to stimulate job creation and offer income generation activities, in particular for youth and women, and to spread knowledge exchange about the causes of desertification and the best ways to combat and prevent it.

FAO is a key partner of the African Union and of its member states in implementing this initiative. Indeed, for FAO, this is a “game changer in addressing poverty eradication, ending hunger and boosting food and nutrition security in the continent,” the Algerian expert explains.

Djibo, Burkina Faso – Planting seeds and seedlings. Credit: ©FAO/Giulio Napolitano

From 2010 to 2013, FAO focused on supporting the African Union Commission and 13 member countries to put in place an enabling environment for the implementation of the GGWSSI. These countries are: Algeria, Burkina Faso, Chad, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gambia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sudan.

With funding from the FAO Technical Cooperation Programme and the European Union (EU), this leading UN body in the field of food and agriculture has developed and implemented successfully two complementary projects.

These projects have lead to: the preparation and validation of national action plans and strategies for the implementation of the initiative in 13 countries; the development and validation of Regional Harmonized Strategy, ensuring that all stakeholders involved in the implementation of work towards a common and shared vision, objectives and results, and to put in place a community of practice for the effective implementation of Africa’s Great Green Wall.

Berrahmouni tells IPS that since July 2014 and with the support of European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Secretariat, FAO is implementing with partners a project called “Action Against Desertification” in support of the implementation of the Great Green Wall in 6 countries (Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, the Gambia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal) and South-South Cooperation in ACP countries.

On November 16, FAO presented to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in Marrakech, Morocco (7-18 November), a groundbreaking map of restoration opportunities along Africa’s Great Green Wall. at the UN climate change conference.

Announcing that there are 10 million hectares a year in need of restoration along the Great Green Wall, it informs that restoration needs along Africa’s drylands have been mapped and quantified for the first time.

The map is based on collection and analysis of crucial land-use information to boost action in Africa’s Great Green Wall to increase the resilience of people and landscapes to climate change.

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• Battle of the Desert (I): To Fight or to Flee?

November 19, 2016 (JUBA) - A Senior SPLA-IO spokesperson Saturday confirmed the release of twenty humanitarian workers allegedly had been abducted by the rebels loyal to the former First Vice-President Riek Machar following clashes with government forces last week in Northern Liech State, former Unity State.

South Sudan government soldiers in the town of Koch, Unity state, South Sudan, Friday, Sept. 25, 2015. (Photo AP/Jason Patinkin)

Government officials accused SPLA IO rebels of mounting attacks on Nhaildiu Payam near Bentiu town where the aid workers were abducted last week.

However, SPLA-IO Spokesperson Bri. William Gatjath denied the claims. He said they have handed over 20 aid workers to a UN agency three days the clashes with government forces.

Also, he pointed that the aid workers run to their side for their safety during the clashes, denying their abduction.

“(Juba officials) are lying. We did not abduct the aid workers but they run to our side when the fighting erupted between the two forces and we kept them safer until the day where our commander handed them over to the UN agency according to the directive of our chairman Dr. Machar,” he said from the rebel controlled Pagak area.

Lam Tunguar, Minister of Information in Northern Liech State said on Wednesday that they received 19 aid workers that last week he claimed to have been abducted by rebels loyal to Dr. Riek Machar during Nhialdiu fighting.

He said 17 aid workers are south Sudanese while the two others are Kenyan nationals.

Up to date no statement was issued by the UN agencies to confirm or deny the two versions.

(ST)

November 19, 2016 (JUBA) - A member of South Sudan's armed opposition faction has slammed a United States proposal for sanctions against Riek Machar, describing the move as “inconsistent” to findings of what actually sparked off renewed violence in the South Sudan capital in July.

Machar speaks on a mobile phone after an interview with Reuters in Kenya's capital Nairobi July 8, 2015

The U.S has demanded the United Nations Security Council to impose sanctions on the leader of the armed opposition (SPLM-IO), South Sudan army chief, and the information minister for hampering South Sudan's peace accord.

An annex of the U.S resolution, the Associated Press reported, called for an arms embargo and new sanctions proposes to impose travel bans and freeze the assets of rebel leader Riek Machar, Gen. Paul Malong Awan and South Sudan's information minister Michael Makuei Lueth.

But David Jany Yak, a rebel appointed governor in Unity state, accused the U.S of failing to find out about groups of people, who instigated continued violence in South Sudan.

Yak said the armed opposition leader was working hard in the interest of peace and stability in war-torn South Sudan.

“We don't see any genuine reasons to include Dr. Riek Machar in the list when he was just running for his life after being forced to flee from Juba. What has he [Riek] done for him to get listed with war criminals like Malong and Makuei,” asked Yak.

He said prior to Machar's return to Juba in April, the armed opposition forces were only permitted to return to Juba with only 1,200 troops, a testimony they were for peace, not war.

According to Yak, the U.S, which played key roles in events that led to South Sudan's independence, has betrayed the young nation and its people by lying to the entire world.

“Dr. Machar and the entire leadership of SPLM/A I.O voluntarily accepted to go to the militarized Juba with as less as 1,200 soldiers early this year simply because of peace. Unless the TROIKA [U.S, Britain and Norway] and the IGAD [Intergovernmental Authority on Development] countries had a hidden agenda when they forced the I.O to Juba, they would agree with the U.S,” he stressed.

The armed opposition official is appealing to world leaders to rescue the South Sudan peace process by actively involving Machar, who also signed the August 2015 accord.

The Security Council has already imposed sanctions on six South Sudanese commanders, three from the government and three from the armed opposition movement.

Last year, the U.S. failed to blacklist Malong and top rebel commander, Maj. Gen. Johnson Olony, after Russia, China, Angola and Venezuela opposed it.

(ST)

November 19, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese national carrier 'Sudan Airways' will receive two Airbus funded by china, the Sudanese Transport Minister Makkawi Mohamed Awad announced on Saturday.

Sudan Airways aeroplane are seen on the tarmac in Khartoum's international airport September 13, 2012 (Reuters/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah)

Speaking to the semi-official Sudanese Media Centre (SMC), the minister said the two Airbus are part of 14 planes to by funded by a Chinese loan.

Awad did provide the name of the financial institution or the details of the aircrafts. He added that they are finalizing some financial measures before to receive the aircrafts in the coming days.

He said they had to receive the two Airbus earlier this year but some procedures caused the delay.

Chinese and Sudanese officials signed the contract of the two Airbus on 7 September 2015 during a visit of President Omer al-Bashir to Beijing.

Established in 1946, Sudan Airways, one of Africa's oldest airlines however the company has less than 10 aircrafts most if not all were bought second-hand.

Due to the U.S. trade embargo, the European aviation consortium Airbus, does not deal with the Sudan.

(ST)

In his message on Africa Industrialization Day, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has called on African countries to adopt policies that encourage growth of the private sector and foster entrepreneurship in order to advance economic competitiveness and prosperity in the continent.

Noting that the electoral process in Somalia is &#8220going much better than many predicted,&#8221 the United Nations envoy in the country underlined the need to ensure that the legitimacy of the process is preserved and called on electoral bodies to investigate any credible reports of violations of rules and regulations.

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

November 19, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – A press freedom campaigner group has accused Ethiopia of intensifying crackdown on media under the recently imposed state of emergency.

Last month, Ethiopia declared a six-month state of emergency after a wave of deadly anti-government demonstrations in Oromia and Amhara regions.

The New York based group, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said the Horn of Africa's nation has arrested or sentenced at least three journalists and bloggers under a state of emergency since October.

“In recent weeks, Ethiopian authorities have jailed a newspaper editor, as well as two members of the award-winning Zone 9 bloggers' collective, which has faced continuous legal harassment on terrorism and incitement charges” CPJ said in a statement extended to Sudan Tribune.

“A fourth journalist has been missing for a week; his family fear he is in state custody” it added.

The rights group urged the Ethiopian government to immediately release all journalists detained.

CPJ said Ethiopia's Supreme Court on has continued hearing prosecutors' appeal of a lower court's on November 15 after acquittal of four bloggers from the Zone 9 collective on terrorism charges.

Getachew Worku, the editor-in-chief of independent weekly Ethio-Mihidar, was sentenced to a year in jail on Tuesday for "defamation and spreading false information"

According to CPJ Getachew ‘s arrest was in connection with an article he published in the newspaper alleging corruption in a monastery .

Abdi Gada, an unemployed television journalist, has not been seen since November 9.

His family and friends however fear that he might be in state custody.

The two arrested bloggers are Befekadu Hailu a co-founder of the Zone-9 collective, and Natnael Feleke, whose Zone 9 group has written about political repression, corruption and social injustice.

Authorities have not yet announced any new charge against befekadu.

The Africa News Agency quoted Befekadu's friends saying that they believed he may have been arrested following an interview he gave to the U.S.-government-funded broadcaster Voice of America's Amharic service, in which he criticized the government's handling of the protests.

Befekadu was freed from jail in October 2015 after 18 months behind bars accused of "inciting violence" with his anti-government writing. He was rearrested last month.

Feleke was also detained for several days in October, before being released with a caution.

According to right groups the Ethiopian government keeps critical journalists under a tight rein and close control.

“Silencing those who criticize the government's handling of protests will not bring stability," CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Angela Quintal said from New York.

“The constant pressure on Zone 9 bloggers with repeated arrests and court appearances is clearly designed to intimidate the remaining independent journalists in Ethiopia”

Ethiopia ranked fourth on the CPJ's list of the 10 most censored countries in 2014, and is the third-worst jailer of journalists in Africa, according to the group's "prison census"

Since last year the east African nation has faced an unprecedented wave of violent protests that claimed the lives of over 500 people.

But the country's most recent protests were sparked after a religious festival in Oromia region turned into violet anti-government protests claiming lives of 55 in stampede.

After the protests spread to many parts of the country, Ethiopia imposed a six-month state of emergency to contain the protests which were spreading to many parts of the country.

The protests first erupted over demands for land rights however later turned in to calling for increased political and economic rights.

On November 12, Ethiopia's State of Emergency Inquiry Board - in a televised statement - announced that authorities have arrested 11,607 people after the state emergency decree.

(ST)

By Beny Gideon Mabor

This policy brief underlines an overview on the development of a permanent constitution before and after the conflict in South Sudan. It will also discuss pros and cons of modalities agreed to produce the permanent constitution vis-à-vis the concept of people-driven constitution through supreme will of the people. Prior to the emergence of the peace deal in August 2015, which carries some legal superiority over any pre-December 2013 institutions and legal framework including the Transitional Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan 2011, there was an existing institutional mechanism for permanent constitution making which was interrupted by the coming into force of the new political order that specifically proposes institutional reforms including new journey for permanent constitution. The paper will offer emerging realities of the constitutional development contrary to the political or elites perceptions on the constitution making and finally provide policy options necessary to begin political and democratic reconstruction of a post-conflict South Sudan.

The aborted birth of a permanent constitution for South Sudan started under midwifery of the National Constitutional Review Commission NCRC established under article 202 of the Transitional Constitution, 2011. Article 202 subsection (6) and (8) of the transitional constitution mandated the NCRC to “review the Transitional Constitution and collect views and suggestions from all the stakeholders including any changes that may need to be introduced to the current system of governance and conduct a nation-wide public information programme and civic education on constitutional issues”. The end game of these terms of references was to produce zero draft constitutional text.

The second step was to convene a national constitutional conference as provided under article 203 of the constitution. The memberships of the conference was to be drawn from all sectors of South Sudanese society from political forces, to civil society, youth, women groups, faith based institutions, traditional authorities, professional associations and people with special needs amongst other categories to deliberate and approve the constitutional draft text. However, the constitutional text was to be tabled before the then National Legislative Assembly NLA for deliberation and passage after which the same shall be presented to the President for assent and it becomes law. That was pre-December 2013 labor pain for delivery of a constitution but later aborted in the process by choosing to kill each other than embracing the long-awaited birth of a constitution.

Fortunately or unfortunately enough, the above numerated legal processes are no more in existence. The peace agreement came with its own terms and conditions for the making of the permanent constitution in a rather complicated way unlike the former procedure where relative consultations was to be sought. Chapter six article 1 (2) of the peace agreement provide inter alia, that the Transitional Government of National Unity referred to as TGONU, shall initiate and oversee a permanent constitution making process during the transitional period, including but not limited to considering supremacy of the people of South Sudan alongside their contested demand for a federal democratic system of governance that reflects the national character of South Sudan.

The second parameter is that the Transitional National Legislative Assembly TNLA, shall within the first six months of the transitional period enact a legislation to govern constitutional making process, provided that such constitution making is accomplished within 18 months following the establishment of the transitional period in order to guide elections toward the end of the transitional period. In a very positive move, the peace agreement recognizes the work of the previous NCRC and therefore allow its reconstitution on new basis with new competent human and material resources to engineer the process of the constitution making.

It is provided under chapter six, article 1 (5) and (8) of the peace agreement that “the NCRC shall be appointed by the executive after adequate consultation with all keys stakeholders including but not limited to political parties, civil society organizations and faith-based groups for their view to prepare draft constitutional text, however the process of appointment shall be defined in the reviewed and enacted legislation governing the constitution making process.

In a similar term, the zero draft constitution that will be produced by the reconstituted NCRC shall be presented to a national constitutional conference whose memberships this time round shall be elected representatives, in a manner to be determined again by the long awaited legislation. Thereafter, the adopted constitutional text shall be presented by the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs to the Constituency Assembly for deliberation and adoption. Of course South Sudan has no constituency assembly either. As a result, the parties to the peace agreement agree under the provision of chapter six article 5.5 that the “Transitional National Legislature shall be transformed into a constituency assembly on the first date of the 27 months of the transitional period for the purposes of passing the constitution after which it shall be dissolve preceding elections”. This is now the journey for permanent constitution making. Although the dye is cast, yet the peace agreement or the transitional constitution, 2011 are not carved in stone, but subject to amendment if need arises.

New Realities of Constitutional Development
After this literature review of the two processes of constitution making, South Sudanese are still left in a limbo to know the rightful architecture for constitution making between the pre-December 2013 arrangement and the current one brought about by the peace agreement. From my personal point of view as an individual, I still believe that the pre-December 2013 charter for constitution making was the rightful and inclusive procedure to make a long-lasting flexible constitution. In my view, some principles on the parameters of the permanent constitution under the peace agreement were push down my throat and others during the negotiation, but had to bitterly swallow them that way not only in the interest of peace, but the two major partners-the government of South Sudan and SPLM/A-in-opposition were in agreement. My argument at the negotiating table was just a cry of the poor that no one pay attention.

With this peace agreement, a golden opportunity is avail to answer the above mentioned questions and many more coming in the production of this governing legal instrument. Four years down the line, South Sudanese are still asking question of what type of constitution is really needed in South Sudan. So far, few actors including civil society groups and women networks attempted to highlight these principles of a needed constitution, some of which will appear here in support of continue search for permanent constitution. To get what type of constitution is desirable, it must be noted to know how and why constitution in the first place is made? And the answer is that constitution is made as a result of peoples' decision to make a break from the bad past and lastly constitution is also made when people say enough is enough from the treatment of political and military kleptocrats of a given country.

In South Sudan, both situations have evidently applied as South Sudanese first broke away from the Sudan with a promise to join the community of nations in a legally organized socio-economic and political society. Yet, the dream of good citizenship and enjoyment of freedom in one's own country were turned into nightmare. The second thought can be good reason to say enough is enough after suffering of the citizens and who continue to suffer until date in a dignified silence.

From 2005 up to 2011 alone, the values and principles of good governance in the constitution were compromised on the expenses of attainment of present day South Sudan. This is shown by some losers of 2010 general elections although skirmishes of corrupt electoral processes and voting exercises have shown. Lastly the biggest unifying agenda was referendum on the right of self-determination for the people of South Sudan which inspire many citizens and indeed set aside all their wrongdoings and voted by 98.83 % to create a country of their own.

In July 9, 2011, South Sudan was admitted as world newest state. Shortly thereafter, the youngest country stumble on bad foundation as it struggle with both constitutional governance and political leadership crisis. Yet, the answers for all crisis lies with the constitution. As a tradition, constitution establish the basic structures and powers of government, determining their terms of reference, and regulating the relationships between the rulers and the ruled through well stated social contract. In other words, let me keep repeating the quote of Justice Ismail Mahomed, a former Chief Justice of South Africa who said that “the constitution is nothing less than a ‘mirror reflecting the national soul”. If you no longer see yourself in the wall mirror, then such mirror should be thrown into dustbin. By achieving a well mirrored constitution, there are number of governance issues that need serious discussion and consideration in the upcoming constitution making.

First, is lack of space for open conservation on issues of democracy and governance between the citizens and their government in the fulfillment of supreme will of the people. In this case, a good number of civic network proposed that elections as a major determinant of democracy and good governance must be discussed including how positions in the constitutional and support structures are filled; the question of presidential term limit, appointment and termination of service of constitutional office holders and other senior public officials.

Second most important agenda is the limitation of powers. The principle of limitation of powers is central to constitutionalism. And constitutional governance can only be achieved when government institutions and political processes are effectively constrained by constitutional rules. It is often expressed in the form of support for constitutional provisions that achieve the goal of limiting government. The government should be legally limited in its powers – and its authority depends on observing constitutional limitations. These limitations are, for example, in the form of individual or group rights versus government powers such as the rights to free expression, association, equality; and the due process of law. The rules imposing limits upon government power must be entrenched in the constitution and the government must not have the capacity to change those limits as they so desire.

The third issue is the separation of powers. The principle of separation of powers requires that power is distributed to the three arms of the government (Legislature, Executive and Judiciary). This principle implies that there should be no overlap in the powers and functions of the different arms of government; there should be no overlap of personnel in the different arms of government and finally that none of the arms of the government should in any way interfere with the functions and work of the other. As the saying goes, the interdependence of three arms of government is typical of the African pot which has three stones. The pot symbolizes the nation and the three stones symbolize the state or three arms of government. The stones need to be balanced to provide support for the pot.

Contrary to the principle of separation of powers in South Sudan as shown above, the Transitional Constitution, 2011 has provisions in which presidential powers interfere with legislative power and judicial functions respectively. An example is the provision of article 101 (g) of the constitution which provides that the president shall "convene, summon, adjourn or prorogue the National Legislature in consultation with the Speaker". This provision can be subject to misuse. First, “in consultation with the Speaker" does not seem to require a formal agreement of the Speaker. It is not the same as saying “after consultation with the speaker.” So, the President may decide if and when the National Legislature meets or does not meet. This has threaten the independence of the Legislature and the practice of legislative power.

Another provision of interfering with the role of the judiciary is article 133 (2) of the constitution, which provides that “the President has powers to appoint all Justices and Judges Courts (Courts of Appeal, High Courts, County Courts), subject only to recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission whose members in the first instance are appointed by the President. In best governance practice, appointment of judges and justices are often subjected to the scrutiny of the legislative branch and high court justices have security of tenure. This is because of the significant role of the Judiciary and the fact that it is expected to be independent.

Policy Recommendation
After having seen the findings of the two simultaneous processes of constitution making as well as quick updates on some burning issues that need urgent attention of all policy makers at all levels, below are key recommendations.
First, this is a reminder message to the TGONU and the Transitional National Legislative Assembly that you are now pass three months late to initiate both the legislation governing the permanent constitution making process and the law establishing the commission for truth, reconciliation and healing. Therefore, it is high time to come up with these bills in consultation with the relevant state and non-state actors. The coming into force of these pieces of legislation in time has concurrent positive effect as the countrywide civic education in the constitution making is conditional on peace, security and reconciliation of South Sudanese society whose social fabric was almost torn apart by armed conflict;
Second, urge the TGONU at all levels to create platforms for direct exchange of views between the government and the citizens in enjoyment of supremacy of the people. However, this conversation should begin with parameters of the constitution. The fact that relative consultation is provided by the peace agreement may not be acceptable criteria as the current Transitional National Legislature, purported to be transformed into constituency assembly three months before the end of the transitional period was a mixture of peoples' representatives primarily elected and some appointed. Therefore, many options are possible including demands for amendment of the peace agreement or the transitional constitution to allow the citizens directly ratify the constitution in a referendum, or if not some key provisions as those discussed in the new realities on the constitutional development are approved by popular vote.

The last recommendation is the question of leadership vacuum in the National Constitutional Review Commission. The relevant institutions, that is political parties and civil society organizations should immediately propose nominees for the Chairperson and Deputy Chairperson of the NCRC in accordance with the provision of article 202 (2) of the Transitional Constitution, 2011 for appointment by the President to help pave the way for preparation of a robust NCRC institution pending enactment of the new law by the TNLA which will subsequently stipulates criteria for appointment of the commissioners at the NCRC.

Beny Gideon is South Sudanese private lawyer and human rights defender. He was part of the IGAD-led peace process for South Sudan representing civil society organizations. His research interest are politics and governance, human rights and social accountability. He can be reached via benygmabor@gmail.com

November 19, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - The opposition Reform Now Movement (RNM) on Saturday said its chairman Ghazi Salah al-Din Attabani has visited families of the movement's detainees pointing to continued contacts to secure their release.

In the wake of the government's decision to lift fuel and electricity subsidies on 3 November, the RNM held an open air address in Khartoum criticising the move.

Subsequently, the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) detained four RNM members including its external relations official Diaa al-Din Hussein, youth secretary in Khartoum Awad al-Daw Khalifa, RNM chairman in Khartoum, Khalid Sayed Nouri and Gaafar al-Sadig.

In a press statement extended to Sudan Tribune Saturday, the RNM said Attabani visited the families of the detainees to check on them, saying the NISS refuses to disclose the detainees' location and prevents their families and party officials from visiting them.

It pointed that the RNM and the opposition alliance Future Forces of Change (FFC) have submitted a memo to the speaker of the national parliament Ibrahim Ahmed Omer, describing the detention as “clear violation of the law”.

The statement also said the RNM and FFC leadership have discussed the issue of the detainees with the representative of the African Union.

“The RNM and the FFC are in the process of submitting a memo to the Constitutional Court within a week and they would make further arrangements if they [detainees] weren't released,” read the statement.

The RNM further said it has submitted a written statement to the foreign embassies and diplomatic missions in Khartoum explaining the circumstances surrounding their detention, noting the movement's legal office is also preparing a memo to be handed over to the concerned bodies.

Meanwhile, the Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami (Islamic Liberation Party) said the NISS has detained several party members and filed a suit for malicious prosecution against them for distributing a pamphlet criticizing the rise in fuel and electricity price.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune on Saturday, the Hizb ut-Tahrir spokesperson Ibrahim Osman Abu Khalil said the authorities refused to give his party a permission to hold a political symposium entitled: “Sudan's economy and the way out of the trap”.

Following the government decision to raise fuel and electricity price, the NISS launched a large arrest campaign and detained 20 leading figures from the Sudan Congress Party (SCoP) besides several members of the National Umma Party (NUP), Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), Arab Ba'ath Party, National Alliance Forces (NAF) as well as civil society activists and journalists.

Also, the NISS detained twelve and summoned dozens of the Sudanese doctors participating in the strike that has been ongoing since last month.

(ST)

November 19, 2016 (JUBA) – The United Nations Security Council has called for urgent steps to address the increasing hate speech and ethnic violence in South Sudan, advocating for promotion of reconciliation among the people, mainly through justice and accountability process.

Thousands of civilians fleeing violence seek shelter at a UN compound in Jonglei state capital, Bor (Photo: UNMISS/Hailemichael Gebrekrstos)

The call came in the wake of the ethnically targeted killings, hate speech, and incitements of violence in South Sudan.

The Security Council, in a statement, expressed “deep alarm” over the escalation of ethnic violence, reportedly carried out by South Sudan army, the armed opposition forces, as well as militias, and unidentified armed groups.

They called for an inclusive political process, based on the framework provided by the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan, which allows for all voices to participate in shaping the future of the country.

The Council further called on the parties to immediately agree on implementation of an effective cessation of hostilities in order to avoid escalation of the conflict in the upcoming dry season and reiterated that there is no military solution to the conflict.

Renewed violence in the young nation has resulted into the displacement of thousands of people, with aid agencies warning of the dire humanitarian conditions.

The Council, however, expressed its readiness to consider taking additional measures in order to prevent a further escalation of violence and conflict, including potential sanctions it considers appropriate to respond to situations.

The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has warned of the “risk of mass atrocities" in South Sudan, should renewed violence in the world's youngest nation continue.

In a report released Wednesday, Ki-moon said the UN peacekeepers must be prepared to protect innocent civilians.

"There is a very real risk of mass atrocities being committed in South Sudan, particularly following the sharp rise in hate speech and ethnic incitement in recent weeks," said Ki-moon.

"It must be clearly understood that United Nations peacekeeping operations do not have the appropriate manpower or capabilities to stop mass atrocities," he added.

The UN recently approved the deployment of regional protection forces in the aftermath of renewed violence that broke out in the country in July between South Sudan's two main rival factions.

An estimated 14,000 soldiers and police are deployed in the UN mission in South Sudan, but recent investigations implicated peacekeepers in the failure to protect civilians during the attack.

South Sudan descended into war in mid-December 2013, leaving tens of thousands dead and more than 2.5 million people displaced.

(ST)

November 19, 2016 (JUBA) - South Sudan security service has permitted a return to air of Eye Radio FM after closing it down, sparking protest from media organizations, human advocacy groups and government critics.

The station, according to a statement by it management resumed its broadcasting on Saturday morning after being shut down by National Security Service officers last week.

“The management of Eye Radio is pleased to inform our listeners and the general public that Eye Radio is back on air on Saturday, 19 November 2016, from 9:00 am,” a notice published by Eye Radio on its website this evening, reads in part.

The notice informs the general public that “matters concerning the recent shutdown of the station have been discussed and amicably resolved with authorities,” It did not say what the authorities have said.

The shutdown was due to a short news clip in which former First Vice-President and leader of armed opposition (SPLM-IO) Riek Machar spoke about lack of new political initiative about a month ago when Machar when was leaving Khartoum for South Africa.

(ST)

November 19, 2016 (JUBA) – Fuel shortage, resulting from the devaluation of the currency, has hit the South Sudanese capital, Juba.

Motorcycles line up for hours to get fuel before it runs out July 18, 2012 in Juba, South Sudan. (Getty)

The situation has affected business operations in the country as residents are forced to queue at fuel stations in various places and residential areas of the town.

Fuel shortage has seen prices increase from SSP60 per liter in October to SSP160 in recent days.

Traders fear the rising prices may place a big impact on commercial activities and thus have impact on the transportation budget.

Deng Ayuen, a retail trader, says rising costs of fuel could have serious impact on movement of passengers in coming weeks and may affect the ability to transport essential supplies to destinations.

An official ministry of petroleum admitted the prevalence of limited reserve at the depot, saying the system has enough fuel for about two weeks. Another 8,500 gallons has been ordered, and if it is available, it would increase fuel reserves to another three weeks.

“Beyond that we are not sure we will be able to secure diesel for official business. Should the system run out of fuel, it may be necessary to temporarily suspend non-essential activities until our supply is replenished,” the official told Sudan Tribune Saturday.

The ministry of petroleum, he said, is already taking precautions to try and save as much fuel as possible, while still trying to operate.

“All field trips, except those related to security and other essential business, have been suspended until further notice. All key officials will be allowed to move, but other officials are being asked to help pay for their own movement until resupply is made,” he added.

Fuel consumed in Juba is mainly imported from Kenya's port of Mombasa.

Early this year, however, the state-owned Nilepet company undertook measures to control fuel stations in the country to regulate and subsidize fuel.

(ST)

November 19, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese-Saudi Standing Committee on Joint Exploitation of Natural Resources in the Red Sea will hold its 12th meeting in Jeddah on Tuesday to continue discussions on ways to utilize the mineral resources in the Red Sea rift valley, known as Atlantis II.

In February 2012, Khartoum and Riyadh signed an agreement on exploring minerals in the joint territorial water in the Red Sea. Atlantis II is dated back to 1970s, but was not implemented due to the lack of suitable exploration technologies at the time.

Minerals estimates show that there are 97 million tons of various minerals, which include two million tons of zinc, 500,000 tons of copper, 4,000 tons of silver and 80 tons of gold and other valuable minerals.

In a press statement on Saturday, the information office at the Ministry of Minerals said Sudan's Minister of Minerals Mohamed Sadig al-Karori would lead a senior delegation to Saudi Arabia at the invitation of the Saudi Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, Khalid Bin Abdul Aziz Al-Faleh to attend the Atlantis II meeting.

Al-Karori pointed the Sudanese-Saudi Standing Committee on Joint Exploitation of Natural Resources in the Red Sea meets every six months in rotation between Khartoum and Jeddah, saying the committee is the authorized body to grant licenses and follows up on technical and financial issues.

He stressed the two countries would benefit enormously from the Atlantis II, saying the value of the minerals wealth of the project amounts to $20 billion as of April 2016.

In 2010, the Canadian Diamond Fields International and Saudi Manafa International Ltd. were licensed by the Saudi Sudanese Committee to conduct exploration activities in Red Sea rift valley.

In a feasibility study conducted in 2012, Diamond Fields International expected that Saudi Arabia and Sudan will make big profits from the extraction of copper, silver and zinc from Red Sea bed. At the time, it expected to start production in 2014 once technical studies are completed.

Sudan and Saudi Arabia relations have recently improved after years of tension caused by Sudan-Iran connections. The development of bilateral relation was crowned by Sudan's participation in the Saudi-led coalition against Houthi militants in Yemen and in the military exercises “Thunder of the North” in Saudi Arabia.

(ST)

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